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{{BSZ}}
As Badiou demonstrated apropos of the Stalinist show trials, this violent effort to distill the pure Real from the elusive reality necessarily ends up in its opposite, in the [[obsession]] with pure [[appearance]]: in the Stalinist [[universe]], the passion of the Real (ruthless enforcement of the Socialist [[development]]) thus culminates in ritualistic stagings of a theatrical [[spectacle]] in the [[truth]] of which no one believes. The key to this [[reversal]] resides in the ultimate [[impossibility]] to draw a clear [[distinction]] between deceptive reality and some firm positive kernel of the Real: every positive bit of reality is a priori suspicious, since (as we [[know]] from [[Lacan]]) the Real Thing is ultimately [[another]] [[name]] for the [[Void]]. The pursuit of the Real thus equals [[total]] annihilation, a ([[self]])destructive fury within which the only way to trace the distinction between the [[semblance]] and the Real is, precisely, to STAGE it in a fake spectacle. The fundamental [[illusion]] is here that, once the violent [[work]] of purification is done, the New Man will emerge ex nihilo, freed from the filth of the [[past]] corruption. Within this horizon, "really-existing men" are reduced to the stock of raw [[material]] which can be ruthlessly exploited for the [[construction]] of the new — the Stalinist revolutionary definition of man is a circular one: "man is what is to be crushed, stamped on, mercilessly worked over, in order to produce a new man." We have here the tension between the series of "ordinary" elements ("ordinary" men as the "material" of [[history]]) and the exceptional "empty" element (the socialist "New Man," which is at first [[nothing]] but an empty [[place]] to be filled up with positive [[content]] through the revolutionary turmoil). In a [[revolution]], there is no a priori positive determination of this New Man: a revolution is not legitimized by the positive [[notion]] of what Man's [[essence]], "[[alienated]]" in [[present]] [[conditions]] and to be realized through the revolutionary [[process]], is — the only legitimization of a revolution is [[negative]], a will to break with the Past. One should formulate here things in a very precise way: the [[reason]] why the Stalinist fury of purification is so destructive resides in the very fact that it is sustained by the [[belief]] that, after the destructive work of purification will be accomplished, SOMETHING WILL REMAIN, the [[sublime]] "indivisible [[remainder]]," the paragon of the New. It is in order to conceal the fact that there is nothing beyond that, in a strictly [[perverse]] way, the revolutionary has to cling to violence as the only [[index]] of his authenticity, and it is as this level that the critics of [[Stalinism]] as a rule misperceive the [[cause]] of the [[Communist]]'s attachment to the Party. Say, when, in 1939-1941 pro-Soviet Communists twice had to [[change]] their Party line overnight (after the Soviet-[[German]] pact, it was [[imperialism]], not, [[Fascism]], which was elevated to the [[role]] of the main [[enemy]]; from June 22 1941, when [[Germany]] attacked [[Soviet Union]], it was again the popular front against the Fascist beast), the brutality of the imposed changes of [[position]] was what attracted [[them]]. Along the same lines, the purges themselves exerted an [[uncanny]] [[fascination]], especially on intellectuals: their "[[irrational]]" [[cruelty]] served as a kind of [[ontological]] proof, bearing [[witness]] to the fact that we are dealing with the Real, not just with empty plans — the Party is ruthlessly brutal, so it means business…
The ultimate American paranoiac fantasy is that of an individual living in a small idyllic Californian city, a consumerist paradise, who suddenly starts Wachowski brothers' hit [[Matrix]] (1999) brought this [[logic]] to suspect that its climax: the world he lives in material reality we all experience and see around us is a fakevirtual one, generated and coordinated by a spectacle staged gigantic mega-computer to convince him that he lives in a real world, while which we are all people around him are effectively actors and extras in a gigantic show. The most recent example of this is Peter Weir's The Truman Show attached; when the hero (1998played by Keanu Reeves)awakens into the "real reality, with Jim Carrey playing the small town clerk who gradually discovers the truth that " he is the hero of a 24-hours permanent TV show: his hometown is constructed on sees a gigantic studio set, desolate landscape littered with cameras following him permanently. Among its predecessors, it is worth mentioning Philip Dick's Time Out burned ruins — what remained of Joint (1959), in which Chicago after a hero living a modest daily life in a small idyllic Californian city of [[global]] war. The [[resistance]] [[leader]] Morpheus utters the late 50s, gradually discovers that the whole town is a fake staged ironic greeting: "Welcome to keep him satisfied… The underlying experience of Time Out of Joint and of The Truman Show is that the late capitalist consumerist Californian paradise is, in its very hyper-reality, in a way IRREAL, substanceless, deprived desert of the material inertiareal. And the same "derealization" Was it not something of the horror went similar order that took place in New York on after [[September 11]]? Its citizens were introduced to the WTC bombings: while the number "desert of 6000 victims is repeated all the time, it is surprising how little of the actual carnage we see real" — no dismembered bodiesto us, no bloodcorrupted by Hollywood, no desperate faces of the dying people… in clear contrast to landscape and the reporting from the Third World catastrophies where the whole point was to produce a scoop shots we saw of some gruesome detail: Somalis dying of hunger, raped Bosnian women, men with throats cut. These shots were always accompanied with the advance-warning that "some collapsing towers could not but remind us of the images you will see are extremely graphic and may hurt children" — a warning which we NEVER heard most breathtaking scenes in the reports on the WTC collapsecatastrophe big productions. Is this not yet another proof of how, even in this tragic moments, the distance which separates Us from Them, from their reality, is maintained: the real horror happens THERE, not HERE? /"2
On a closer look, what IS this "clash of civilizations" effectively about? Are all real-life "clashes" not clearly related to global capitalism? The Muslim "fundamentalist" target is not only global capitalism's corroding impact on social life, but ALSO the corrupted "traditionalist" regimes in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, etc. The most horrifying slaughters (those in Ruanda, Kongo, and Sierra Leone) not only took place — and are taking place — within the SAME "civilization," but are also clearly related to the interplay of global economic interests. Even in the few cases which would vaguely fit the definition of the "clash of civilisations" (Bosnia and Kosovo, south of Sudan, etc.), the shadow of other interests is easily discernible.
Every feature attributed to the Other is already present in the very heart of the US: murderous fanaticism? There are today in the US itself more than two millions of the Rightist populist "fundamentalists" who also practice the terror of their own, legitimized by (their understanding of) Christianity. Since America is in a way "harboring" them, should the US [[Army ]] have punished the US themselves after the Oklashoma bombing? And what about the way Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson reacted to the bombings, perceiving them as a sign that God lifted up its protection of the US because of the sinful lives of the Americans, putting the blame on hedonist [[materialism]], [[liberalism]], and rampant [[sexuality]], and claiming that America got what it deserved? The fact that very same condemnation of the "liberal" America as the one from the Muslim Other came from the very heart of the Amerique profonde should give as to [[think]]. America as a safe haven? When a New Yorker commented on how, after the bombings, one can no longer walk safely on the city's streets, the irony of it was that, well before the bombings, the streets of New York were well-known for the dangers of being attacked or, at least, mugged — if anything, the bombings gave rise to a new sense of [[solidarity]], with the scenes of young African-Americans helping an old [[Jewish ]] gentlemen to cross the street, scenes unimaginable a couple of days ago.
Now, in the days immediately following the bombings, it is as if we dwell in the unique time between a traumatic [[event ]] and its symbolic impact, like in those brief [[moment ]] after we are deeply cut, and before the full extent of the pain strikes us — it is open how the events will be [[symbolized]], what their symbolic efficiency will be, what acts they will be evoked to justify. If nothing else, one can clearly experience yet again the limitation of our [[democracy]]: decisions are being made which will affect the fate of all of us, and all of us just wait, aware that we are utterly powerless. Even here, in these moments of utmost tension, this link is not automatic but contingent. There are already the first bad omens, like the sudden resurrection, in the public [[discourse]], of the old Cold war term "free world": the struggle is now the one between the "free world" and the forces of darkness and terror. The question to be asked here is, of course: who then belongs to the UNFREE world? Are, say, China or Egypt part of this free world? The actual [[message ]] is, of course, that the old [[division ]] between the Western liberal-democratic countries and all the others is again enforced.
The day after the bombing, I got a message from a journal which was just about to publish a longer text of mine on [[Lenin]], telling me that they decided to postpone its publication — they considered inopportune to publish a text on Lenin immediately after the bombing. Does this not points towards the ominous ideological rearticulations which will follow, with a new Berufsverbot ([[prohibition ]] to employ radicals) much stronger and more widespread than the one in the Germany of the 70s? These days, one often hears the phrase that the struggle is now the one for democracy — true, but not quite in the way this phrase is usually meant. Already, some [[Leftist ]] friends of mine wrote me that, in these difficult moments, it is better to keep one's head down and not push forward with our agenda. Against this temptation to duck out the crisis, one should insist that NOW the [[Left ]] should provide a better [[analysis ]] — otherwise, it concedes in advance its political AND [[ethical ]] defeat in the face of the acts of quite genuine ordinary people heroism (like the passengers who, in a [[model ]] of [[rational ]] ethical act, overtook the kidnappers and provokes the early crush of the plane: if one is condemned to die soon, one should gather the strength and die in such a way as to prevent other people dying).
When, in the aftermath of September 11, the Americans en masse rediscovered their American pride, displaying flags and singing together in the public, one should emphasize more than ever that there is nothing "innocent" in this rediscovery of the American innocence, in getting rid of the sense of historical [[guilt ]] or irony which prevented many of them to fully assume being American. What this gesture amounted to was to "objectively" assume the burden of all that being "American" stood for in the past — an exemplary case of ideological [[interpellation]], of fully assuming one's symbolic mandate, which enters the stage after the perplexity caused by some historical [[trauma]]. In the traumatic aftermath of September 11, when the old security seemed momentarily shattered, what more "[[natural]]" gesture than to take refuge in the innocence of the firm ideological [[identification]]? 4 However, it is precisely such moments of [[transparent ]] innocence, of "return to basics," when the gesture of identification seems "natural," that are, from the standpoint of the critique of [[ideology]], the most obscure one's, even, in a certain way, obscurity itself. Let us recall another such innocently-transparent moment, the endlessly reproduced video-shot from Beijing's Avenue of Eternal Piece at the height of the "troubles" in 1989, of a tiny young man with a can who, alone, stands in front of an advancing gigantic tank, and courageously tries to prevent its advance, so that, when the tank tries to bypass him by turning right or left, them man also moves aside, again standing in its way:
"The representation is so powerful that it demolishes all other understandings. This streetscene, this time and this event, have come to constitute the compass point for virtually all Western journeys into the interior of the contemporary political and cultural life of China."5
And, again, this very moment of transparent clarity (things are rendered at their utmost naked: a single man against the raw force of the [[State]]) is, for our Western gaze, sustained by a cobweb of ideological implications, embodying a series of oppositions: individual versus state, peaceful resistance versus state violence, man versus machine, the inner force of a tiny individual versus the [[impotence ]] of the powerful machine… These implications, against the background of which the shot exerts its full direct impact, these "mediations" which sustain the shot's immediate impact, are NOT present for a Chinese [[observer]], since the above-mentioned series of oppositions is inherent to the European ideological legacy. And the same ideological background also overdetermines, say, our perception of the horrifying images of tiny individuals jumping from the burning WTC tower into certain death.
So what about the phrase which reverberates everywhere, "Nothing will be the same after September 11"? Significantly, this phrase is never further elaborated — it just an [[empty gesture ]] of saying something "deep" without really [[knowing ]] what we [[want ]] to say. So our first reaction to it should be: Really? Is it, rather, not that the only thing that effectively changed was that America was forced to realize the kind of world it was part of? On the other hand, such changes in perception are never without consequences, since the way we perceive our situation determines the way we act in it. Recall the [[processes ]] of collapse of a political [[regime]], say, the collapse of the Communist regimes in the Eastern Europe in 1990: at a certain moment, people all of a sudden became aware that the game is over, that the Communists are lost. The break was purely symbolic, nothing changed "in reality" — and, nonetheless, from this moment on, the final collapse of the regime was just a question of days… What if something of the same order DID occur on September 11?
We don't yet know what consequences in [[economy]], ideology, [[politics]], war, this event will have, but one thing is sure: the US, which, till now, perceived itself as an island exempted from this kind of violence, witnessing this kind of things only from the safe distance of the TV screen, is now directly involved. So the alternative is: will Americans decide to fortify further their "sphere," or to risk stepping out of it? Either America will persist in, strengthen even, the deeply immoral attitude of "Why should this happen to us? Things like this don't happen HERE!", leading to more [[aggressivity ]] towards the threatening Outside, in short: to a paranoiac acting out. Or America will finally risk stepping through the fantasmatic screen separating it from the Outside World, accepting its arrival into the Real world, making the long-overdued move from "A thing like this should not happen HERE!" to "A thing like this should not happen ANYWHERE!". Therein resides the true lesson of the bombings: the only way to ensure that it will not happen HERE again is to prevent it going on ANYWHERE ELSE. In short, America should learn to humbly accept its own vulnerability as part of this world, enacting the [[punishment ]] of those responsible as a sad [[duty]], not as an exhilarating retaliation.
The WTC bombings again confront us with the [[necessity ]] to resist the temptation of a double [[blackmail]]. If one simply, only and unconditionally condemns it, one cannot but appear to endorse the blatantly ideological position of the American innocence under attack by the Third World Evil; if one draws attention to the deeper socio-political causes of the Arab extremism, one cannot but appear to blame the victim which ultimately got what it deserved… The only consequent solution is here to reject this very opposition and to adopt both positions simultaneously, which can only be done if one resorts to the [[dialectical ]] [[category ]] of [[totality]]: there is no choice between these two positions, each one is one-sided and false. Far from offering a case apropos of which one can adopt a clear ethical stance, we encounter here the [[limit ]] of [[moral ]] reasoning: from the moral standpoint, the victims are innocent, the act was an abominable crime; however, this very innocence is not innocent — to adopt such an "innocent" position in today's global capitalist universe is in itself a false abstraction. The same goes for the more ideological clash of [[interpretations]]: one can claim that the attack on the WTC was an attack on what is worth fighting for in democratic freedoms — the decadent Western way of life condemned by Muslim and other fundamentalists is the universe of women's rights and multiculturalist [[tolerance]]; however, one can also claim that it was an attack on the very center and symbol of global financial capitalism. This, of course, in no way entails the compromise notion of shared guilt (terrorists are to blame, but, partially, also Americans are also to blame…) — the point is, rather, that the two sides are not really opposed, that they belong to the same field. The fact that global capitalism is a totality means that it is the dialectical [[unity ]] of itself and of its other, of the forces which resist it on "fundamentalist" ideological grounds.
Consequently, of the two main stories which emerged after September 11, both are worse, as [[Stalin ]] would have put it. The American patriotic [[narrative ]] — the innocence under siege, the surge of patriotic pride — is, of course, vain; however, is the Leftist narrative (with its Schadenfreude: the US got what they deserved, what they were for decades doing to others) really any better? The predominant reaction of European, but also American, Leftists was nothing less than scandalous: all imaginable stupidities were said and written, up to the "[[feminist]]" point that the WTC towers were two [[phallic ]] [[symbols]], waiting to be destroyed ("[[castrated]]"). Was there not something petty and miserable in the [[mathematics ]] reminding one of the [[holocaust ]] revisionism (what are the 6000 [[dead ]] against millions in Ruanda, Kongo, etc.)? And what about the fact that CIA (co)created Taliban and Bin Laden, financing and helping them to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan? Why was this fact quoted as an argument AGAINST attacking them? Would it not be much more [[logical ]] to claim that it is precisely their duty to get us rid of the monster they created? The moment one thinks in the [[terms ]] of "yes, the WTC collapse was a [[tragedy]], but one should not fully solidarize with the victims, since this would mean supporting US imperialism," the ethical catastrophy is already here: the only appropriate stance is the unconditional solidarity will ALL victims. The ethical stance proper is here replaced with the moralizing mathematics of guilt and horror which misses the key point: the terrifying death of each individual is absolute and incomparable. In short, let us make a simple [[mental ]] experiment: if you detect in yourself any restraint to fully empathize with the victims of the WTC collapse, if you feel the urge to qualify your [[empathy ]] with "yes, but what about the millions who suffer in Africa…", you are not demonstrating your Third World sympathize, but merely the mauvaise foi which bears witness to your implicit patronizing racist attitude towards the Third World victims. (More precisely, the problem with such comparative statements is that they are necessary and inadmissible: one HAS to make them, one HAS to make the point that much worse horrors are taken place around the world on a daily basis — but one has to do it without getting involved in the obscene mathematics of guilt.)
It must be said that, within the scope of these two extremes (the violent retaliatory act versus the new [[reflection ]] about the global situation and America's role in it), the reaction of the Western powers till now was surprisingly considerate (no wonder it caused the violent anti-American [[outburst ]] of Ariel Sharon!). Perhaps the greatest irony of the situation is that the main "collateral damage" of the Western reaction is the focus on the plight of the Afghani refugees, and, more generally, on the catastrophic food and health situation in Afghanistan, so that, sometimes, military [[action ]] against Taliban is almost presented as a means to guarantee the safe delivery of the humanitarian aid — as Tony Blair said, perhaps, we will have to bomb Taliban in order to secure the food transportation and distribution. Although, of course, such large-scale publicized humanitarian actions are in themselves ideologically charged, involving the debilitating degradation of the Afghani people to [[helpless ]] victims, and reducing the Taliban to a parasite terrorizing them, it is significant to acknowledge that the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan presents a much larger catastrophy than the WTC bombings.
Another way in which the Left miserably failed is that, in the weeks after the bombing, it reverted to the old mantra "Give peace a [[chance]]! War does not stop violence!" — a true case of [[hysterical ]] precipitation, reacting to something which will not even happen in the expected form. Instead of the [[concrete ]] analysis of the new [[complex ]] situation after the bombings, of the chances it gives to the Left to propose its own [[interpretation ]] of the events, we got the blind ritualistic chant "No war!", which fails to address even the elementary fact, de facto acknowledged by the US government itself (through its postponing of the retaliatory action), that this is not a war like others, that the bombing of Afghanistan is not a solution. A sad situation, in which George [[Bush ]] showed more power of reflection than most of the Left!
No wonder that anti-Americanism was most discernible in "big" European nations, especially [[France ]] and Germany: it is part of their resistance to [[globalization]]. One often hears the complaint that the recent trend of globalization threatens the [[sovereignty ]] of the [[Nation]]-States; here, however, one should qualify this statement: WHICH states are most exposed to this threat? It is not the small states, but the second-rang (ex-)world powers, countries like United Kingdom, Germany and France: what they [[fear ]] is that, once fully immersed in the newly emerging global [[Empire]], they will be reduced at the same level as, say, [[Austria]], Belgium or even Luxembourg. The [[refusal ]] of "Americanization" in France, shared by many Leftists and Rightist nationalists, is thus ultimately the refusal to accept the fact that France itself is losing its hegemonic role in Europe. The results of this refusal are often comical — at a recent philosophical colloquium, a [[French ]] Leftist [[philosopher ]] complained how, apart from him, there are now practically no French [[philosophers ]] in France: [[Derrida ]] is sold to American deconstructionism, the academia is overwhelmed by [[Anglo-Saxon ]] cognitivism… A simple mental experiment is indicative here: let us imagine someone from Serbia claiming that he is the only remaining truly Serb philosopher — he would have been immediately denounced and ridiculed as a nationalist. The levelling of weight between larger and smaller Nation-States should thus be counted among the beneficial effects of globalization: beneath the contemptuous deriding of the new Eastern European [[post-Communist ]] states, it is easy to discern the contours of the wounded [[Narcissism ]] of the European "great nations." Here, a [[good ]] dose of Lenin's sensitivity for the small nations (recall his [[insistence ]] that, in the [[relationship ]] between large and small nations, one should always allow for a greater degree of the "small" [[nationalism]]) would be helpful. Interestingly, the same matrix was reproduced within ex-[[Yugoslavia]]: not only for the Serbs, but even for the majority of the Western powers, Serbia was self-evidently perceived as the only ethnic group with enough substance to form its own state. Throughout the 90s, even the radical democratic critics of [[Milosevic ]] who rejected Serb nationalism, acted on the presupposition that, among the ex-Yugoslav republics, it is only Serbia which has democratic potential: after overthrowing Milosevic, Serbia alone can turn into a thriving democratic state, while other ex-Yugoslav nations are too "provincial" to sustain their own democratic State… is this not the echo of [[Friedrich Engels]]' well-known scathing remarks about how the small [[Balkan ]] nations are politically reactionary since their very existence is a reaction, a survival of the past?
America's "holiday from history" was a fake: America's peace was bought by the catastrophes going on elsewhere. These days, the predominant point of view is that of an innocent gaze confronting unspeakable Evil which stroke from the Outside — and, again, apropos this gaze, one should gather the strength and apply to it also Hegel's well-known dictum that the Evil resides (also) in the innocent gaze itself which perceives Evil all around itself. There is thus an element of truth even in the most constricted Moral Majority [[vision ]] of the depraved America dedicated to mindless pleasures, in the [[conservative ]] horror at this netherworld of sexploitation and pathological violence: what they don't get is merely the Hegelian speculative [[identity ]] between this netherworld and their own position of fake purity — the fact that so many fundamentalist preachers turned out to be secret [[sexual ]] perverts is more than a contingent empirical fact. When the infamous Jimmy Swaggart claimed that the fact that he visited prostitutes only gave additional strength to his preaching (he knew from intimate struggle what he was preaching against), although undoubtedly hypocritical at the immediate [[subjective ]] level, is nonetheless objectively true.
Can one imagine a greater irony than the fact that the first codename for the US operation against terrorists was "Infinite Justice" (later changed in response to the reproach of the American Islam clerics that only God can exert infinite justice)? Taken seriously, this name is profoundly ambiguous: either it means that the Americans have the right to ruthlessly destroy not only all terrorists but also all who gave then material, moral, ideological etc. support (and this process will be by definition endless in the precise sense of the Hegelian "bad infinity" — the work will never be really accomplished, there will always remain some other terrorist threat…); or it means that the justice exerted must be truly infinite in the strict Hegelian sense, i.e., that, in relating to others, it has to relate to itself — in short, that it has to ask the question of how we ourselves who exert justice are involved in what we are fighting against. When, on September 22 2001, Derrida received the Theodor [[Adorno ]] award, he referred in his [[speech ]] to the WTC bombings: "My unconditional compassion, addressed at the victims of the September 11, does not prevent me to say it loudly: with regard to this crime, I do not believe that anyone is politically guiltless." This [[self-relating]], this inclusion of oneself into the picture, is the only true "infinite justice."
In the electoral campaign, President Bush named as the most important person in his life [[Jesus ]] [[Christ]]. Now he has a unique chance to prove that he meant it seriously: for him, as for all Americans today, "[[Love ]] thy [[neighbor]]!" means "Love the Muslims!" OR IT MEANS NOTHING AT ALL.
1. See [[Alain Badiou]], Le siecle, forthcoming from [[Editions du Seuil]], [[Paris]].
2. Another case of ideological [[censorship]]: when fireworkers' widows were interviewed on CNN, most of them gave the expected performance: tears, prayers… all except one of them who, without a tear, said that she does not pray for her [[deceived ]] husband, because she [[knows ]] that prayer will not get him back. When asked if she [[dreams ]] of revenge, she calmly said that that would be the true [[betrayal ]] of her husband: if he were to survive, he would insist that the worst thing to do is to succumb to the urge to retaliate… useless to add that this fragment was shown only once and then disappeared from the repetitions of the same block.
3. See Chapter III in Raymond Bellour, The Analysis of [[Film]], Bloomington: Indiana [[University ]] Press 2000.
4. I rely here on my critical elaboration of [[Althusser]]'s notion of interpellation in chapter 3 of Metastases of [[Enjoyment]], [[London]]: Verso Books 1995.
5. Michael Dutton, Streetlife China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998, p. 17.
* 10/7/01 — Reflections on WTC — an earlier version of the book, Welcome to [[the Desert of the Real]].
* [[Welcome to the Desert of the Real]]]. ‘’The Symptom’’. Volume 2. Spring 2002. < http://www.lacan.com/desertsymf.htm>From: [[Lacan.com ]] Available: http://lacan.com/reflections.htm.
{{Footer Books Slavoj Žižek}}