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The Iraq War: Where is The True Danger

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We all [[remember ]] the old [[joke ]] [[about ]] the borrowed kettle which [[Freud ]] [[quotes ]] in [[order ]] to render the strange [[logic ]] of [[dreams]], namely the enumeration of mutually exclusive answers to a reproach (that I returned to a friend a broken kettle): (1) I never borrowed a kettle from you; (2) I returned it to you unbroken; (3) the kettle was already broken when I got it from you. For Freud, such an enumeration of inconsistent arguments of course confirms per negationem what it endeavors to deny — that I returned you a broken kettle… Do we not [[encounter ]] the same [[inconsistency ]] when high US officials try to justify the attack on [[Iraq]]? (1) There is a link between [[Saddam]]'s [[regime ]] and [[al-Qaeda]], so Saddam should be punished as part of the revenge for 9/11; (2) even if there was no link between Iraqi regime and al Qaeda, they are united in their [[hatred ]] of the US — Saddam's regime is a really bad one, a [[threat ]] not only to the US, but also to its neighbors, and we should liberate the Iraqi [[people]]; (3) the [[change ]] of regime in Iraq will create the [[conditions ]] for the [[resolution ]] of the Israeli-Palestinian [[conflict]]. The problem is that there are TOO MANY reasons for the attack… Furthermore, one is almost tempted to [[claim ]] that, within the [[space ]] of this reference to the [[Freudian ]] logic of dreams, the Iraqi oil supplies function as the famous "umbilical cord" of the US justification(s) — almost tempted, since it would perhaps be more reasonable to claim that there are also [[three ]] REAL reasons for the attack: (1) the [[control ]] of the Iraqi oil reserves; (2) the urge to brutally assert and [[signal ]] the unconditional US [[hegemony]]; (3) the "sincere" [[ideological ]] [[belief ]] that the US are bringing to [[other ]] nations [[democracy ]] and prosperity. And it seems as if these three "[[real]]" reasons are the "[[truth]]" of the three [[official ]] reasons: (1) is the truth of the urge to liberate Iraqis; (2) is the truth of the claim the attack on Iraq will [[help ]] to resolve the [[Middle East ]] conflict; (3) is the truth of the claim that there is a link between Iraq and al-Qaeda. — And, incidentally, opponents of the war seem to [[repeat ]] the same inconsistent logic: (1) Saddam is really bad, we also [[want ]] to see him toppled, but we should give inspectors more [[time]], since inspectors are more efficient; (2) it is all really about the control of oil and American hegemony — the [[true ]] rogue [[state ]] which terrorizes [[others ]] are the US themselves; (3) even if successful, the attack on Iraq will give a big boost to a new wave of the anti-American [[terrorism]]; (4) Saddam is a murderer and torturer, his regime a criminal catastrophe, but the attack on Iraq destined to overthrow Saddam will cost too much…
The one [[good ]] argument for war is the one recently evoked by [[Christopher Hitchens]]: one should not forget that the majority of Iraqis effectively are Saddam's victims, and they would be really glad to get rid of [[them]]. He was such a catastrophe for his country that an American occupation in WHATEVER [[form ]] may seem a much brighter prospect to them with [[regard ]] to daily survival and much lower level of [[fear]]. We are not talking here of "bringing [[Western democracy ]] to Iraq," but just of getting rid of the [[nightmare ]] called Saddam. To this majority, the caution expressed by Western [[liberals ]] cannot but appear deeply hypocritical — do they really care about how the Iraqi people feel?
One can make even a more general point here: what about pro-Castro Western Leftists who despise what Cubans themselves call "gusanos /worms/," those who emigrated — but, with all sympathy for the Cuban [[revolution]], what [[right ]] does a typical middle [[class ]] Western [[Leftist ]] have to despise a Cuban who decided to leave Cuba not only because of [[political ]] disenchantment, but also because of poverty which goes up to simple hunger? In the same vein, I myself remember from the early 1990s dozens of Western Leftists who proudly threw in my face how for them, [[Yugoslavia ]] still [[exists]], and reproached me for betraying the unique [[chance ]] of maintaining Yugoslavia — to which I always answered that I am not yet ready to lead my [[life ]] so that it will not disappoint Western Leftist dreams… There are effectively few things more worthy of contempt, few attitudes more ideological (if this [[word ]] has any [[meaning ]] today, it should be applied here) than a tenured Western academic Leftist arrogantly dismissing (or, even worse, "[[understanding]]" in a patronizing way) an Eastern European from a [[Communist ]] country who longs for Western [[liberal ]] democracy and some consumerist goods… However, it is all too easy to [[slip ]] from this fact to the [[notion ]] that "under their skin, Iraqis are also like us, and really want the same as we do." The old story will repeat itself: America brings to the people new hope and democracy, but, instead of hailing the US [[army]], the ungrateful people do want it, they suspect a [[gift ]] in the gift, and America then reacts as a [[child ]] with hurt [[feelings ]] because of the ingratitude of those it selflessly helped.
The underlying presupposition is the old one: under our skin, if we scratch the surface, we are all Americans, that is our true [[desire ]] — so all that is needed is just to give people a chance, liberate them from their imposed constraints, and they will join us in our ideological dream… No wonder that, in February 2003, an American [[representative ]] used the word "[[capitalist ]] revolution" to describe what Americans are now doing: exporting their revolution all around the [[world]]. No wonder they moved from "containing" the [[enemy ]] to a more [[aggressive ]] stance. It is the US which is now, as the defunct USSR was decades ago, the subversive [[agent ]] of a world revolution. When [[Bush ]] recently said "[[Freedom ]] is not America's gift to other nations, it is god's gift to humanity," this [[apparent ]] [[modesty ]] nonetheless, in the best totalitarian fashion, conceals its opposite: yes, BUT it is nonetheless the US which perceives itself as the chosen [[instrument ]] of distributing this gift to all the nations of the world!
The [[idea ]] to "repeat Japan in 1945," to bring democracy to Iraq, which will then serve as [[model ]] for the entire Arab world, enabling people to get rid of the corrupt regimes, immediately faces an insurmountable obstacle: what about Saudi Arabia where it is in the vital US interest that the country does NOT turn into democracy? The result of democracy in Saudi Arabia would have been either the [[repetition ]] of [[Iran ]] in 1953 (a populist regime with an anti-imperialist twist) or of [[Algeria ]] a couple of years ago, when the "fundamentalists" WON the free elections.
There is nonetheless a grain of truth in Rumsfeld's ironic pun against the "old [[Europe]]." The [[French]]-[[German ]] united stand against the US policy apropos Iraq should be read against the background of the French-German summit a month ago in which [[Chirac ]] and Schroeder basically proposed a kind of [[dual ]] Franco-German hegemony over the European [[Community]]. So no wonder that anti-Americanism is at its strongest in "big" European nations, especially [[France ]] and [[Germany]]: it is part of their [[resistance ]] to [[globalization]]. One often hears the complaint that the [[recent ]] trend of globalization threatens the [[sovereignty ]] of the [[Nation]]-States; here, however, one should qualify this [[statement]]: WHICH states are most exposed to this threat? It is not the small states, but the second-rate (ex-)world powers, countries like United Kingdom, Germany and France: what they fear is that, once fully immersed in the newly emerging [[global ]] [[Empire]], they will be reduced at the same level as, say, [[Austria]], Belgium or even Luxembourg. The [[refusal ]] of "Americanization" in France, shared by many Leftists and Rightist nationalists, is thus ultimately the refusal to accept the fact that France itself is losing its hegemonic [[role ]] in Europe. The leveling of weight between larger and smaller Nation-States should thus be counted among the beneficial effects of globalization: beneath the contemptuous deriding of the new Eastern European [[post-Communist ]] states, it is easy to discern the contours of the wounded [[Narcissism ]] of the European "great nations." And this great-state-[[nationalism ]] is not just a feature [[external ]] to the (failure of) the [[present ]] opposition; it affects the very way France and Germany articulated this opposition. Instead of doing, even more actively, precisely what Americans are doing — MOBILIZING the "new European" states on their own politico-military platform, ORGANIZING the common new front -, France and Germany arrogantly acted alone.
In the recent French resistance against the war on Iraq, there definitely is a clear echo of the "old decadent" Europe: escape the problem by non-acting, by new resolutions upon resolutions — all this reminiscent of the inactivity of the League of Nations against Germany in the 1930s. And the pacifist call "let the inspectors do their [[work]]" clearly IS hypocritical: they are only allowed to do the work because there is a credible threat of military [[intervention]]. Not to mention the French neocolonialism in Africa (from Congo-Brazzaville to the dark French role in the Rwanda crisis and massacres)? And about the French role in the Bosnian war? Furthermore, as it was made clear a couple of months ago, is it not clear that France and Germany worry about their own hegemony in Europe?
Is the war on Iraq not the [[moment ]] of truth when the "official" political distinctions are blurred? Generally, we live in a topsy-turvy world in which Republicans freely spend [[money]], creating record budget deficits, while [[Democrats ]] [[practice ]] budget [[balance]]; in which Republicans, who thunder against big [[government ]] and preach devolution of [[power ]] to states and local communities, are in the [[process ]] of creating the strongest state [[mechanism ]] of control in the entire [[history ]] of humanity. And the same applies to post-Communist countries. Symptomatic is here the [[case ]] of [[Poland]]: the most ardent supporter of the US [[politics ]] in Poland is the ex-Communist president Kwasniewski (who is even mentioned as the [[future ]] secretary of [[NATO]], after George Robertson), while the main opposition to the [[participation ]] of Poland in the anti-Iraq coalition comes from the Rightist parties. Towards the end of January 2003, the [[Polish ]] bishops also demanded from the government that it should add to the contract which regulates the membership of Poland in the EU a special paragraph guaranteeing that Poland will "retain the right to keep its fundamental values as they are formulated in its [[constitution]]" — by which, of course, are meant the [[prohibition ]] of abortion, of euthanasia and of the same-sex marriages.
The very ex-Communist countries which are the most ardent supporters of the US "war on [[terror]]" deeply worry that their [[cultural ]] [[identity]], their very survival as nations, is threatened by the onslaught of cultural "americanization" as the price for the immersion into global [[capitalism ]] — we thus [[witness ]] the [[paradox ]] of pro-Bushist anti-Americanism. In [[Slovenia]], my own country, there is a similar inconsistency: the Rightist nationalist reproach the ruling Center-[[Left ]] coalition that, although it is publicly for joining NATO and supporting the US anti-terrorist campaign, it is secretly sabotaging it, participating in it for opportunist reasons, not out of conviction. At the same time, however, it is reproaching the ruling coalition that it wants to undermine Slovene national identity by advocating [[full ]] Slovene integration into the Westernized global capitalism and thus drowning Slovenes into contemporary Americanized pop-[[culture]]. The idea is that the ruling coalition sustains pop culture, stupid TV amusement, mindless consumption, etc., in order to turn Slovenes into an easily manipulated crowd unable of serious [[reflection ]] and firm [[ethical ]] posture… In short, the underlying motif is that the ruling coalition stands for the "liberal-Communist plot" : ruthless unconstrained immersion in global capitalism is perceived as the latest dark plot of ex-Communists enabling them to retain their [[secret ]] hold on power.
The almost [[tragic ]] misunderstanding is that the nationalists, on the one hand, unconditionally support NATO (under the US command), reproaching the ruling coalition with secretly supporting antiglobalists and anti-American pacifists, while, on the other hand, they worry about the fate of Slovene identity in the process of globalization, claiming that the ruling coalition wants to throw Slovenia into the global whirlpool, not worrying about the Slovene national identity. Ironically, the new emerging socio-ideological order these nationalist conservatives are bemoaning reads like the old [[New Left ]] description of the "repressive [[tolerance]]" and capitalist freedom as the mode of [[appearance ]] of unfreedom. Here, the example of Italy is crucial, with Berlusconi as prime minister: the staunchest supporter of the US AND the agent of the TV-idiotizing of the [[public ]] opinion, turning politics into a [[media ]] show and running a large advertisement and media company.
Where, then, do we stand with reasons pro et contra? Abstract pacifism is intellectually stupid and morally wrong — one has to stand up against a threat. Of course the fall of Saddam would have been a relief to a large majority of the Iraqi people. Even more, of course the militant [[Islam ]] is a horrifying anti-[[feminist ]] etc. [[ideology]]. Of course there is something of a [[hypocrisy ]] in all the reasons against: the [[revolt ]] should come from Iraqi people themselves; we should not impose our values on them; war is never a solution; etc. BUT, although all this is true, the attack is wrong — it is WHO DOES IT that makes it wrong. The reproach is: WHO ARE YOU TO DO THIS? It is not war or peace, it is the correct "gut [[feeling]]" that there is something terribly wrong with THIS war, that something will irretrievably change with it.
One of Jacques [[Lacan]]'s outrageous statements is that, even if what a jealous husband claims about his wife (that she sleeps around with other men) is all true, his [[jealousy ]] is still pathological; along the same lines, one could say that, even of most of the [[Nazi ]] claims about the [[Jews ]] were true (they exploit Germans, they [[seduce ]] German girls…), their [[anti-Semitism ]] would still be (and was) pathological — because it represses the true [[reason ]] WHY the [[Nazis ]] NEEDED anti-Semitism in order to sustain their ideological [[position]]. And the same should be said today, apropos of the US claim "Saddam has weapons of mass [[destruction]]!" — even if this claim is true (and it probably is, at least to some degree), it is still [[false ]] with regard to the position from which it is [[enunciated]].
Everyone fears the catastrophic outcome of the US attack on Iraq: an ecological catastrophe of gigantic proportions, high US casualties, a terrorist attack in the West… In this way, we already accept the US standpoint — and it is easy to imagine how, if the war will be over soon, in a kind of repetition of the 1990 Gulf War, if Saddam's regime will disintegrate fast, there will be a [[universal ]] sigh of relief even among many present critics of the US policy. One is even tempted to consider the hypothesis that the US are on [[purpose ]] fomenting this fear of an impending catastrophe, counting on the universal relief when the catastrophe will NOT occur… This, however, is arguably the greatest true [[danger]]. That is to say, one should gather the courage to proclaim the opposite: perhaps, the bad military turn for the US would be the best [[thing ]] that can happen, a sobering piece of bad news which would compel all the participants to rethink their position.
On 9/11 2001, the Twin Towers were hit; twelve years earlier, on 11/9 1989, the Berlin Wall fell. 11/9 announced the "happy 90s," the Francis [[Fukuyama ]] [[dream ]] of the "end of history," the belief that liberal democracy has in [[principle ]] won, that the [[search ]] is over, that the advent of a global liberal world community lurks round the corner, that the obstacles to this ultra-Hollywood happy ending are just empirical and [[contingent]], local pockets of resistance where the leaders did not yet grasp that their time is over; in contrast to it, 9/11 is the main [[symbol ]] of the end of the Clintonite happy 90s, of the forthcoming era in which new walls are emerging everywhere, between [[Israel ]] and the West Bank, around the [[European Union]], on the US-Mexican border. The prospect of a new global crisis is looming: [[economic ]] collapses, military and other catastrophes, emergency states…
And when politicians start to directly justify their decisions in ethical [[terms]], one can be sure that [[ethics ]] is mobilized to cover up such dark threatening horizons. It is the very inflation of abstract ethical rhetorics in George W. Bush's recent public statements (of the "Does the world have the courage to act against the [[Evil ]] or not?" type) which manifests the utter ETHICAL misery of the US position — the function of ethical reference is here purely mystifying, it merely serves to mask the true political stakes, which are not difficult to discern. In their recent The War Over Iraq, William Kristol and Lawrence F. Kaplan wrote: "The mission begins in Baghdad, but it does not end there. /…/ We stand at the cusp of a new historical era. /…/ This is a decisive moment. /…/ It is so clearly about more than Iraq. It is about more even than the future of the Middle East and the [[war on terror]]. It is about what sort of role the [[United States ]] intends to play in the twenty-first century." One cannot but agree with it: it is effectively the future of [[international community ]] which is at stake now — the new rules which will regulate it, what the new world order will be. What is going on now is the next [[logical ]] step of the US dismissal of the [[Hague ]] court.
The first permanent global war crimes court started to work on July 1, 2002 in The Hague, with the power to tackle genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Anyone, from a head of state to an ordinary [[citizen]], will be liable to ICC prosecution for [[human ]] rights violations, including systematic [[murder]], [[torture]], rape and [[sexual ]] slavery, or, as Kofi Annan put it: "There must be a [[recognition ]] that we are all members of one human [[family]]. We have to create new institutions. This is one of them. This is [[another ]] step forward in humanity's slow march toward [[civilization]]." However, while [[human rights ]] groups have hailed the court's creation as the biggest milestone for international justice since top Nazis were tried by an international military tribunal in Nuremberg after World War Two, the court faces stiff opposition from the United States, [[Russia ]] and China. The United States says the court would infringe on national sovereignty and could lead to politically motivated prosecutions of its officials or soldiers [[working ]] [[outside ]] U.S. borders, and the U.S. Congress is even weighing legislation authorizing U.S. forces to invade The Hague where the court will be based, in the [[event ]] prosecutors grab a U.S. national. The noteworthy paradox here is that the US thus rejected the jurisdiction of a tribunal which was constituted with the full support (and votes) of the US themselves! Why, then, should [[Milosevic]], who now sits in the Hague, not be given the right to claim that, since the US reject the legality of the international jurisdiction of the Hague tribunal, the same argumentation should hold also for him? And the same goes for Croatia: the US are now exerting tremendous pressure onto the Croat government to deliver to the Hague court a couple of its generals accused of war crimes during the struggles in Bosnia — the reaction is, of course, how can they ask this of US when THEY do not recognize the legitimacy of the Hague court? Or are the US citizens effectively "more equal than others"? If one simply universalizes the underlying principles of the Bush-[[doctrine]], does [[India ]] not have a full right to attack [[Pakistan]]? It does directly support and harbor anti-Indian terror in Kashmir, and it possesses (nuclear) weapons of mass destruction. Not to mention the right of China to attack Taiwan, and so on, with unpredictable consequences…
Are we aware that we are in the midst of a "silent revolution," in the course of which the unwritten rules which determine the most elementary international logic are changing? The US scold Gerhardt Schroeder, a democratically elected [[leader]], for maintaining a stance supported by a large majority of the population, plus, according to the polls in the mid-February, around 59% of the US population itself (who oppose strike against Iraq without the UN support). In [[Turkey]], according to opinion polls, 94% of the people are opposed to allowing the US troops' [[presence ]] for the war against Iraq — where is democracy here? Every old Leftist remembers [[Marx]]'s reply, in [[The Communist Manifesto]], to the critics who reproached the Communists that they aim at undermining family, property, etc.: it is the capitalist order itself whose economic dynamics is destroying the traditional family order (incidentally, a fact more true today than in Marx's time), as well as expropriating the large majority of the population. In the same vein, is it not that precisely those who pose today as global defenders of democracy are effectively undermining it? In a [[perverse ]] rhetorical twist, when the pro-war leaders are confronted with the brutal fact that their politics is out of tune with the majority of their population, they take recourse to the commonplace wisdom that "a true leader leads, he does not follow" — and this from leaders otherwise obsessed with opinion polls…
The true dangers are the long-term ones. In what resides perhaps the greatest danger of the prospect of the American occupation of Iraq? The present regime in Iraq is ultimately a secular nationalist one, out of touch with the Muslim fundamentalist [[populism ]] — it is obvious that Saddam only superficially flirts with the pan-Arab Muslim sentiment. As his [[past ]] clearly demonstrates, he is a pragmatic ruler striving for power, and shifting alliances when it fits his purposes — first against Iran to grab their oil fields, then against Kuwait for the same reason, bringing against himself a pan-Arab coalition allied to the US — what Saddam is not is a fundamentalist obsessed with the "big [[Satan]]," ready to blow the world apart just to get him. However, what can emerge as the result of the US occupation is precisely a truly fundamentalist Muslim anti-American movement, directly linked to such movements in other Arab countries or countries with Muslim presence.
One can surmise that the US are well aware that the era of Saddam and his non-fundamentalist regime is coming to an end in Iraq, and that the attack on Iraq is probably conceived as a much more radical [[preemptive strike ]] — not against Saddam, but against the main contender for Saddam's political successor, a truly fundamentalist Islamic regime. Yes in this way, the [[vicious cycle ]] of the American intervention gets only more [[complex]]: the danger is that the very American intervention will contribute to the emergence of what America most fears, a large united anti-American Muslim front. It is the first case of the direct American occupation of a large and key Arab country — how could this not generate universal hatred in reaction? One can already imagine thousands of young people dreaming of becoming [[suicide ]] bombers, and how that will force the US government to impose a permanent high alert emergency state… However, at this point, one cannot resist a slightly [[paranoid ]] temptation: what if the people around Bush KNOW this, what if this "collateral damage" is the true aim of the entire operation? What if the TRUE target of the "war on [[terror" ]] is the American [[society ]] itself, i.e., the disciplining of its emancipatory excesses?
On March 5 2003, on "Buchanan & Press" news show on NBC, they showed on the TV [[screen ]] the photo of the recently [[captured ]] Khalid Shakh Mohammed, the "[[third ]] man of al-Qaeda" — a mean face with moustaches, in an unspecified nightgown prison-dress, half opened and with something like bruises half-discernible (hints that he was already tortured?) -, while Pat Buchanan's fast [[voice ]] was asking: "Should this man who [[knows ]] all the names all the detailed plans for the future terrorist attacks on the US, be tortured, so that we get all this out of him?" The [[horror ]] of it was that the photo, with its details, already suggested the answer — no wonder the response of other commentators and viewers' calls was an overwhelming "Yes!" — which makes one nostalgic of the good old days of the colonial war in Algeria when the torture practiced by the French Army was a dirty secret… Effectively, was this not a pretty close realization of what Orwell imagined in 1984, in his [[vision ]] of "[[hate ]] sessions," where the citizens are shown photos of the traitors and supposed to boo and yell at them. And the story goes on: a day later, on another Fox TV show, a commentator claimed that one is allowed to do with this prisoner whatever, not only deprive him of [[sleep]], but break his fingers, etc.etc., because he is "a piece of human garbage with no rights whatsoever." THIS is the true catastrophe: that such public statements are today possible.
We should therefore be very attentive not to fight false battles: the debates on how bad Saddam is, even on how much the war will cost, etc., are false debates. The focus should be on what effectively goes on in our societies, on what kind of society is emerging HERE as the result of the "war on terror." Instead of talking about hidden conspirative agendas, one should shift the focus onto what is going on, onto what kind of changes are taking [[place ]] here and now. The ultimate result of the war will be a change in OUR political order.
The true danger can be best exemplified by the actual role of the populist Right in Europe: to introduce certain topics (the foreign threat, the [[necessity ]] to [[limit ]] [[immigration]], etc.) which were then silently taken over not only by the [[conservative ]] parties, but even by the de facto politics of the "Socialist" governments. Today, the [[need ]] to "regulate" the status of immigrants, etc., is part of the mainstream consensus: as the story goes, [[le Pen ]] did address and exploit real problems which bother people. One is almost tempted to say that, if there were no le Pen in France, he should have been invented: he is a perfect person whom one [[loves ]] to hate, the hatred for whom guarantees the wide liberal "democratic pact," the pathetic [[identification ]] with democratic values of tolerance and respect for diversity — however, after shouting "Horrible! How dark and uncivilized! Wholly unacceptable! A threat to our basic democratic values!", the outraged liberals proceed to act like "le Pen with a human face," to do the same thing in a more "[[civilized]]" way, along the lines of "But the racist populists are manipulating legitimate worries of ordinary people, so we do have to take some measures!"…
We do have here a kind of perverted [[Hegelian ]] "[[negation ]] of negation": in a first negation, the populist Right disturbs the aseptic liberal consensus by giving voice to passionate dissent, clearly arguing against the "foreign threat"; in a second negation, the "decent" democratic center, in the very gesture of pathetically rejecting this populist Right, integrates its [[message ]] in a "civilized" way — in-between, the ENTIRE FIELD of background "unwritten rules" has already changed so much that no one even notices it and everyone is just relieved that the anti-democratic threat is over. And the true danger is that something similar will happen with the "war on terror": "extremists" like John Ashcroft will be discarded, but their legacy will remain, imperceptibly interwoven into the invisible ethical fabric of our societies. Their defeat will be their ultimate triumph: they will no longer be needed, since their message will be incorporated into the mainstream.
==Source==
* [[The Iraq War: Where is the True Danger?]]. ''[[Lacan.com]]''. March 13, 2003. <http://www.lacan.com/iraq.htm>. Also hosted by the ''European Graduate [[School]]''. <http://egs.edu/faculty/zizek/zizek-the-iraq-war-where-is-the-true-danger.html>
[[Category:Articles by Slavoj Žižek]]
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