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The excitation and the sense of urgency caused by the daily reports on violent demonstrations against the perpetrators of Muhammed caricatures is on the wane. The time has come to look back (as well as into the future, of course) and draw a balance.<br><br>
The irony not to be missed is that 99.99% of the thousands who feel offended and demonstrate had never even SEEN the Danish caricatures. This fact confronts us with another, less attractive, aspect of globalization: the “global informational village” is the condition of the fact that something that took place in an obscure daily in Denmark caused such a violent stir in the far-away Muslim countries – it was as if Denmark and Syria (and Pakistan and Egypt and Iraq and Lebanon and Indonesia and…) are <i>neighboring</i> countries. This is what those who see globalization as the chance for the entire earth as a unified space of communication, bringing together all humanity, fail to notice: since a Neighbor is (as Freud suspected long ago) primarily a Thing, a traumatic intruder, someone whose different way of life (or, rather, way of <i>jouissance</i> materialized in its social practices and rituals) disturb us, throw off the rails the balance of our way of life, when the Neighbor comes too close, this can also give rise to aggressive reaction aimed at getting rid of this disturbing intruder – or, as Peter Sloterdijk put it: “More communication means at first above all more conflict.” <a title="" name="_ftnref1" href="#_ftn1"ref>[1]Peter Sloterdijk, “Warten auf den Islam,” </ai>Focus<br/i>10/2006, p. 84.<br/ref>
This is why the attitude of “understanding-each-other” has to be supplemented by the attitude of “getting-out-of-each-other’s-way,” by maintaining an appropriate distance, by a new “code of discretion.” European civilization finds it easier to tolerate different ways of life precise on account of what its critics usually denounce as its weakness and failure, namely the “alienation” of social life.” Alienation means (also) that distance is included into the very social texture: even if I live side by side with others, the normal state is to ignore them. I am allowed not to get too close to others; I move in a social space where I interact with others obeying certain external “mechanical” rules, without sharing their “inner world” – and, perhaps, the lesson to be learned is that, sometimes, a dose of alienation is indispensable for the peaceful coexistence of ways of life. Sometimes, alienation is not a problem but a solution: globalization will turn explosive not if we remain isolated of each other, but, on the opposite, if we get too close to each other.<br><br>
Was, however, that what triggered such violent reactions really the cultural gap between the secular West and the Muslim countries, i.e., the fact that Islam fundamentalists find unbearable any playful-ironic reference to God? For a Western liberal, the sight of mob violence cannot but evoke the first line from William Butler Yeats’ “Second Coming” (quoted in the title). The poem goes on: “the best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity.” Is this not a good description of today’s split between anemic liberals and impassionate fundamentalists? The best are no longer able to fully engage themselves, while “the worst” engage in (racist, religious, sexist) fanaticism.<br><br>
Are, however, the terrorist fundamentalists, be it Christian or Muslim, truly fundamentalists? There is a feature that clearly distinguishes all authentic fundamentalists, from Tibetan Buddhists to the Amish in the US: the absence of resentment and envy, the deep indifference towards the non-believers’ way of life. Since they really believe they found their way to Truth, why should they feel threatened by non-believers, why should they envy them? When a Buddhist encounters a Western hedonist, he is far from condemning him; he just benevolently notes that the hedonist’s search for happiness is self-defeating. The contrast cannot be stronger to the terrorist pseudo-fundamentalists who are deeply bothered, intrigued, fascinated, by the sinful life of the non-believers – one can feel that, in fighting the sinful other, they are fighting their own temptation. A so-called Christian or Muslim “fundamentalist” is a disgrace to true fundamentalism.<br><br>
It is here that Yeats’ diagnosis falls short: the passionate intensity of a mob bears witness to a lack of true conviction. The fundamentalist Islamic terror is NOT grounded in the terrorists’ conviction of their superiority and in their desire to safeguard their cultural-religious identity from the onslaught of the global consumerist civilization: the problem with fundamentalists is not that we consider them inferior to us, but, rather, that THEY THEMSELVES secretly consider themselves inferior (like, obviously, Hitler himself felt towards Jews) – which is why our condescending Politically Correct assurances that we feel no superiority towards them only makes them more furious and feeds their resentment. The problem is not cultural difference (their effort to preserve their identity), but the opposite fact that the fundamentalists are already like us, that, secretly, they have already internalized our standards and measure themselves by them. Paradoxically, what the fundamentalists really lack is precisely a dosage of true “racist” conviction of one’s own superiority. Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s well-known distinction between <i>amour-de-soi</i> and <i>amour-propre</i> is more than pertinent here:</font></font></p>
<blockquote>The primitive passions, which all directly tend towards our happiness, make us deal only with objects which relate to them, and whose principle is only amour de soi, are all in their essence lovable and tender; however, when, <p align="justify"i>diverted from their objects by obstacles, they are more occupied with the obstacle they try to get rid of, than with the object they try to reach, </i>they change their nature and become irascible and hateful. This is how amour de soi, which is a noble and absolute feeling, becomes amour-propre, that is to say, a relative feeling by means of which one compares oneself, a feeling which demands preferences, <i>whose enjoyment is purely negative and which does not strive to find satisfaction in our own well-being, but only in the misfortune of others</i>.<ref><i>Rousseau, juge de Jean-Jacques</i>, first dialogue.</ref></blockquote>
<font color="#4a647b"><font color="#000000" face="Times New Roman" size="3">The primitive passions, which A true egotist is all directly tend towards our happiness, make us deal only too busy with objects which relate taking care of his own good to have time to cause misfortunes to them, and whose principle others; a violent pseudo-fundamentalist is only amour de soi, are all in their essence lovable and tender; howeveron the contrary, when, <i>diverted from their objects by obstacles, they are more occupied with (causing misfortune to the obstacle they try to get rid of, ) others than with the object they try (providing a happy life to reach) himself. And does this not hold for fundamentalist violence, </i>they change their nature and become irascible and hateful. This is how amour de soibe it the Oklahoma bombings or the attack on Twin Towers? In both cases, which is a noble we were dealing with hatred simple and absolute feelingpure: destroying the obstacle (Oklahoma City Federal Building, becomes amour-propreTwin Towers) was what really mattered, that is to say, a relative feeling by means not achieving the noble goal of which one compares oneself, a feeling which demands preferences, truly Christian or Muslim society.<iref>whose enjoyment is purely negative and which does not strive to find satisfaction in our own wellSee Jean-beingPierre Dupuy, but only in the misfortune of others</i>. <a title="" name="_ftnref2" href="#_ftn2">[2]Petite metaphysique des tsunamis</ai></font></font></, Paris: Editions du Seuil 2005, p>. 68.</blockquoteref> Not bearing in mind this logic of envy and resentment is the main cause of the debilitating deadlock of our reactions to the Muslim violence. These reactions oscillated between the two extremes of clinging to the freedom of the press and of demanding respect for the others.
<p align="justify"><font color="#4a647b"><font color="#000000" face="Times New Roman" size="3">A true egotist is all too busy with taking care of his own good to have time to cause misfortunes to others; a violent pseudo-fundamentalist is, on the contrary, more occupied with (causing misfortune to the) others than with (providing a happy life to) himself. And does this not hold for fundamentalist violence, be it the Oklahoma bombings or the attack on Twin Towers? In both cases, we were dealing with hatred simple and pure: destroying the obstacle (Oklahoma City Federal Building, Twin Towers) was what really mattered, not achieving the noble goal of a truly Christian or Muslim society. <a title="" name="_ftnref3" href="#_ftn3">[3]</a> Not bearing in mind this logic of envy and resentment is the main cause of the debilitating deadlock of our reactions to the Muslim violence. These reactions oscillated between the two extremes of clinging to the freedom of the press and of demanding respect for the others.<br><br> <b>Antinomies of Tolerant Reason</b><br><br>
Immanuel Kant developed the notion of the “antinomies of pure reason”: all reason inevitably falls into self contradiction when it attempts to go beyond our concrete sensible experience to address such questions as: "Does the Universe have a beginning in time, a limit in space, an initial cause, or is it infinite?" The antimony arises because it is possible to construct valid arguments to argue both sides of the question: we can conclusively demonstrate that the universe is finite <i>and</i> that it is infinite… Kant argues that if this conflict of reason is not resolved that humanity would lapse into hopeless skepticism which he called the "euthanasia of pure reason." The reactions to the Muslim outrage at the Danish caricatures of Mohammad seem to confront us with a similar antinomy of tolerant reason: two opposite stories can be told about the caricatures, each of them convincing and well-argued for, without any mediation or reconciliation between them.<br><br> On the one hand, for a Western liberal for whom the freedom of the press is one of the highest values, the case is clear. Even if we reject in disgust the caricatures, their publication in no way justifies murderous mob violence and the stigmatization of a whole country. Some companies already caught up with the new rules of the game – among others, Nestle and Carrefour. Nestle now emphasizes that no milk of Danish cows is used in their products. The French supermarket chain Carrefour in Egypt informs their “dear clients” that out of “solidarity” with Islamic community they “don’t carry Danish products.” The horror is that they both accepted the stigmatization of a whole country. Going even a step further, the Slovene president apologized to Muslims on behalf of “European civilization” itself!<br><br> Those offended by the caricatures should go to a court and persecute the offender, not demand apologies from the state. The Muslim reaction thus displays the blatant lack of understanding of the Western principle of an independent civil society. What underlies this attitude is the sacred status of writing as such (which is why Muslims are prohibited to use toilet-paper). The idea of thoroughly secularized writing is unimaginable in an Islam culture, not to mention a Monty Pythonesque “Life of Muhammad.” There is more in this than may appear. A carnivalesque mocking of divinity is part of European religious tradition itself, starting with Ancient Greek ritualistic ridiculing the gods of Olympus. There is nothing subversive or atheist in it: this is an inherent part of religious life itself. As to Christianity, is the crucifixion itself not a mocking spectacle of blasphemy, making fun of Christ as a king riding a donkey with a crown of thorns? Even more, are there not moments of carnivalesque irony in Christ’s parables and riddles themselves?<br><br>
On the other one hand, for a no less convincing Western liberal for whom the freedom of the press is one of the highest values, the case can be made against the Westis clear. It soon became known that Even if we reject in disgust the same Danish newspaper which published the Muhammad caricatures, their publication in no way justifies murderous mob violence and the stigmatization of a blatant display whole country. Some companies already caught up with the new rules of its biasthe game – among others, previously rejected caricatures Nestle and Carrefour. Nestle now emphasizes that no milk of Christ as too offensiveDanish cows is used in their products. Furthermore, prior to resorting to public manifestations, the Danish Muslims did for months try the “European” path The French supermarket chain Carrefour in Egypt informs their “dear clients” that out of dialogue, asking for reception “solidarity” with government authorities, etc., and were ruthlessly rejected and ignoredIslamic community they “don’t carry Danish products. The reality behind all this horror is that they both accepted the sad fact stigmatization of the rising xenophobia in Denmark, signaling the end of the myth of Scandinavian tolerancea whole country. And, last but not least, what about our own prohibitions and limitations of the freedom of the press? Is holocaust not our sacred untouchable fact? At the very moment when the Muslim protests were ragingGoing even a step further, David Irving was sitting in an Austrian prison for expressing his doubts about the holocaust in an article published 15 years earlier, and was then condemned Slovene president apologized to 3 years Muslims on behalf of prison – so it IS prohibited to doubt the holocaust in our liberal societies…<br><br>“European civilization” itself!
Furthermore, Those offended by the obvious over-reaction to caricatures, rising up should go to murderous violence a court and expanding to persecute the offender, not demand apologies from the state. The Muslim reaction thus displays the whole blatant lack of Europe or understanding of the West, indicates how Western principle of an independent civil society. What underlies this attitude is the protests sacred status of writing as such (which is why Muslims are “not really” about caricaturesprohibited to use toilet-paper). The idea of thoroughly secularized writing is unimaginable in an Islam culture, but about humiliations and frustrations with Western imperialist attitudenot to mention a Monty Pythonesque “Life of Muhammad. Journalists ” There is more in the last weeks compete with each other enumerating these “real reasons”: Israeli occupation for Palestiniansthis than may appear. A carnivalesque mocking of divinity is part of European religious tradition itself, dissatisfaction starting with Ancient Greek ritualistic ridiculing the pro-American Musharaf regime gods of Olympus. There is nothing subversive or atheist in Pakistan, anti-Americanism in Iran, etcit: this is an inherent part of religious life itself.etc. HoweverAs to Christianity, the problem with this excuse is: does the same not for anti-Semitism crucifixion itself? It is not “really” about Jewsa mocking spectacle of blasphemy, but making fun of Christ as a king riding a donkey with a displaced protest about capitalist exploitation. So this excuse only makes it worse for the Muslims: why don’t they address the TRUE causecrown of thorns? Even more, are there not moments of carnivalesque irony in Christ’s parables and riddles themselves?<br><br>
And, last but not least, what about the brutal and vulgar anti-Semitic and anti-Christian caricatures that abound in On the press and school-books in Muslim countries? Where is here the respect for other people and their religionhand, that they demand from a no less convincing case can be made against the West? Some Muslim groups replied to . It soon became known that the same Danish newspaper which published the Muhammad caricatures with their own offensive , in a blatant display of its bias, previously rejected caricatures. A Muslim group in Europe distributed on the net drawings of Anna Frank in bed with HitlerChrist as too offensive. <i>Hamshahri</i>Furthermore, Iran's largest selling newspaperprior to resorting to public manifestations, has announced it is holding a contest on cartoons of the Holocaust in response to Danish Muslims did for months try the publishing in European papers “European” path of caricatures of the Prophet Muhammaddialogue, asking for reception with government authorities, etc., and were ruthlessly rejected and ignored. The plan reality behind all this is to turn the tables on sad fact of the assertion that newspapers can print offensive material rising xenophobia in Denmark, signaling the name end of freedom of expression: "The Western papers printed these sacrilegious cartoons on the pretext myth of freedom of expressionScandinavian tolerance. And, last but not least, so let's see if they mean what they say about our own prohibitions and also print these Holocaust cartoons." This exercise is clearly self-defeating: if they really believe that limitations of the Danish caricatures freedom of Mohammad were a sacrilegious crime that deserves the harshest punishment, will the press? Is holocaust cartoons not <i>repeat our sacred untouchable fact? At the very moment when the crime</i>? The fact that they are doing it with Muslim protests were raging, David Irving was sitting in an Austrian prison for expressing his doubts about the excuse “Let us see how tolerant YOU are!” holocaust in no way changes this fact. In shortan article published 15 years earlier, this reaction is a proof that what really matters and was then condemned to 3 years of prison – so it IS prohibited to doubt the enraged Muslims is a struggle for recognition and respect, a sense of humiliation and hurt pride, NOT religion.<br><br>holocaust in our liberal societies…
A further proof of this fact is Furthermore, the strange inconsistency in their reference obvious over-reaction to caricatures, rising up to murderous violence and expanding to the holocaust. The Jordanian newspaper <i>Ad-Dustur</i> published on October 19 2003 a cartoon depicting whole of Europe or of the railroad to West, indicates how the death camp at Auschwitz-Birkenauprotests are “not really” about caricatures, but about humiliations and frustrations with Israeli flags replacing Western imperialist attitude. Journalists in the Nazi ones; the sign in Arabic readslast weeks compete with each other enumerating these “real reasons”: “Gaza Strip or the Israeli Annihilation Camp.” This idea that Israel’s policies towards the occupation for Palestinians have been comparable to Nazi actions towards Jews strangely contradicts , dissatisfaction with the holocaust denialpro-American Musharaf regime in Pakistan, anti-Americanism in Iran, etc.etc. Are we not witnessing here yet another example of However, the joke evoked by Freud in order to render the strange logic of dreamsproblem with this excuse is: (1) I never borrowed a kettle from you; (2) I returned it to you unbroken; (3) the kettle was already broken when I got it from you. Such an enumeration of inconsistent arguments, of course, confirms <i>per negationem</i> what it endeavors to deny – that I returned you a broken kettle… Does does the same inconsistency not characterize the way radical Islamists respond to the holocaustfor anti-Semitism itself? (1) Holocaust did It is not happen. (2) It did happen“really” about Jews, but the Jews deserved ita displaced protest about capitalist exploitation. (3) The Jews did not deserve So this excuse only makes it, but they themselves lost the right to complain by doing to Palestinians what the Nazis did to them. Speaking in Mecca in December 2005, the Iranian president Ahmadinejad implied that guilt worse for the holocaust led European countries to support Muslims: why don’t they address the establishment of the State of Israel:</font></font></p>TRUE cause?
<blockquote><p align="justify"><font color="#4a647b"><font color="#000000" face="Times New Roman" size="3">Some European And, last but not least, what about the brutal and vulgar anti-Semitic and anti-Christian caricatures that abound in the press and school-books in Muslim countries insist on saying ? Where is here the respect for other people and their religion, that Hitler killed millions they demand from the West? Some Muslim groups replied to the Danish caricatures with their own offensive of innocent Jews caricatures. A Muslim group in furnaces, and they insist Europe distributed on it to the extent that if anyone proves something contrary to that, they condemn that person and throw them net drawings of Anna Frank in jailbed with Hitler. <i>Hamshahri</…/ Although we doni>, Iran't accept this claims largest selling newspaper, if we suppose has announced it is true, our question for the Europeans is: Is the killing holding a contest on cartoons of innocent Jewish people by Hitler the reason for their support Holocaust in response to the occupiers publishing in European papers of caricatures of Jerusalem? /…/ If the Europeans are honest they should give some of their provinces in Europe, like in Germany, Austria or other countries, Prophet Muhammad. The plan is to turn the Zionists, and tables on the Zionists assertion that newspapers can establish their state print offensive material in Europe. You offer part the name of freedom of expression: "The Western papers printed these sacrilegious cartoons on the pretext of freedom of Europeexpression, so let's see if they mean what they say and we will support italso print these Holocaust cartoons."This exercise is clearly self-defeating: if they really believe that the Danish caricatures of Mohammad were a sacrilegious crime that deserves the harshest punishment, will the holocaust cartoons not </fonti>repeat the crime</font></p></blockquotei>? The fact that they are doing it with the excuse “Let us see how tolerant YOU are!” in no way changes this fact. In short, this reaction is a proof that what really matters to the enraged Muslims is a struggle for recognition and respect, a sense of humiliation and hurt pride, NOT religion.
A further proof of this fact is the strange inconsistency in their reference to the holocaust. The Jordanian newspaper <p align="justify"i>Ad-Dustur<font color="#4a647b"><font color="#000000" face="Times New Roman" size="3"/i>published on October 19 2003 a cartoon depicting the railroad to the death camp at Auschwitz-Birkenau, with Israeli flags replacing the Nazi ones; the sign in Arabic reads: “Gaza Strip or the Israeli Annihilation Camp.” This statement is idea that Israel’s policies towards the Palestinians have been comparable to Nazi actions towards Jews strangely contradicts the mixture holocaust denial. Are we not witnessing here yet another example of the most disgusting and joke evoked by Freud in order to render the strange logic of dreams: (1) I never borrowed a correct insightkettle from you; (2) I returned it to you unbroken; (3) the kettle was already broken when I got it from you. The disgusting part isSuch an enumeration of inconsistent arguments, of course, holocaust denial or, even more problematically, the claim that Jews deserved it (“we don’t accept this claim”: which one? That Hitler killed million of Jews confirms <i>or that the Jews were innocentper negationem</i> and did what it endeavors to deny – that I returned you a broken kettle… Does the same inconsistency not deserve characterize the way radical Islamists respond to be killedthe holocaust?(1)Holocaust did not happen. What is correct about (2) It did happen, but the quoted statement is Jews deserved it. (3) The Jews did not deserve it, but they themselves lost the reminder of European hypocrisy: right to complain by doing to Palestinians what the European manoeuvre effectively was Nazis did to pay for its own guilt with another people’s landthem. So when the Israeli government spokesman Raanan Gissin said Speaking in Mecca in responseDecember 2005, "Just to remind Mr. the Iranian president Ahmadinejad, we've been here long before his ancestors were here. Therefore, we have a birthright implied that guilt for the holocaust led European countries to be here in support the establishment of the land State of our forefathers and to live here," he evoked a historical right which, when applied universally, would lead to universal slaughter. Alain Badiou recently addressed this impasseIsrael:</font></font></p>
<blockquote><p align="justify"><font color="#4a647b"><font color="#000000" face="Times New Roman" size="3">The founding Some European countries insist on saying that Hitler killed millions of a Zionist State was a mixed, thoroughly complex, reality. On the one sideinnocent Jews in furnaces, and they insist on it is an event which is part of a larger event: to the rise of great revolutionaryextent that if anyone proves something contrary to that, communist they condemn that person and socialist projectsthrow them in jail. The idea to found an entirely new society. On the other side/…/ Although we don't accept this claim, if we suppose it is a counter-eventtrue, which our question for the Europeans is part of a larger counter-event: colonialism, Is the brutal conquest, killing of innocent Jewish people by Hitler the reason for their support to the occupiers of Jerusalem? /…/ If the people who came from Europeans are honest they should give some of their provinces in Europe, of the new land where other peoplelike in Germany, Austria or other peoples, live. This creation is an extraordinary mixture of revolution and reactioncountries, of emancipation and oppression. The Zionist State should become what it had in it of being just and new. It has to become the least racial, the least religiousZionists, and the least nationalist of StatesZionists can establish their state in Europe. The most universal You offer part of them allEurope, and we will support it. <a title="" name="_ftnref4" href="#_ftn4">[4]</a></font></font></pblockquote>
This statement is the mixture of the most disgusting and of a correct insight. The disgusting part is, of course, holocaust denial or, even more problematically, the claim that Jews deserved it (“we don’t accept this claim”: which one? That Hitler killed million of Jews <i>or that the Jews were innocent</blockquotei>and did not deserve to be killed?). What is correct about the quoted statement is the reminder of European hypocrisy: the European manoeuvre effectively was to pay for its own guilt with another people’s land. So when the Israeli government spokesman Raanan Gissin said in response, "Just to remind Mr. Ahmadinejad, we've been here long before his ancestors were here. Therefore, we have a birthright to be here in the land of our forefathers and to live here," he evoked a historical right which, when applied universally, would lead to universal slaughter. Alain Badiou recently addressed this impasse:
<p align="justify"blockquote><font color="#4a647b"><font color="#000000" face="Times New Roman" size="3">There is The founding of a Zionist State was a truth in this insightmixed, thoroughly complex, reality. Cecile Winter proposed along these lines On the one side, it is an event which is part of a nice mental experimentlarger event: imagine Israel as the rise of great revolutionary, communist and socialist projects. The idea to found an entirely new society. On the other side, it isa counter-event, in its destiny which is part of the last halfa larger counter-centuryevent: colonialism, IGNORING the fact that Jews came there stigmatized brutal conquest, by the signifier people who came from Europe, of the absolute Victimnew land where other people, and thus beyond moral reproachother peoples, live. What we thus get This creation is a standard story an extraordinary mixture of colonization… Howeverrevolution and reaction, the problem remains: can one really think these two aspects as different, in the sense of the possibility of the first one (the emancipation and oppression. The Zionist state) without the second one? It is like State should become what it had in the legendary “If…” answer it of an American politician being just and new. It has to become the question ”Do you support least racial, the least religious, and the prohibition least nationalist of wine or not?’: “If by wine you mean the terrible drink which ruined thousands States. The most universal of familiesthem all.<ref>Alain Badiou, making husbands a wreck who were beating their wives and neglecting their children<i>Circonstances, then I am fully for the prohibition3. But if you mean by wine the noble drink with a wonderful taste which makes every meal such a pleasurePortees du mot “juif, then I am against it!” <a title="" name="_ftnref5" href="#_ftn5"/i>[5]Paris: Lignes 2005, p. 89-90.</aref><br><br/blockquote>
So why should There is a truth in this insight. Cecile Winter proposed along these lines a nice mental experiment: imagine Israel as it is, in its destiny of the last half-century, IGNORING the fact that Jews came there stigmatized by the signifier of the absolute Victim, and thus beyond moral reproach. What wethus get is a standard story of colonization… However, the problem remains: can one really think these two aspects as Badiou proposesdifferent, <i>abstract</i> from in the sense of the holocaust when we judge possibility of the Israeli politics towards Palestinians? Not because first one can compare (the two, but precisely because Zionist state) without the holocaust <i>was</i> an incomparably stronger crime. second one? It is those like in the legendary “If…” answer of an American politician to the question ”Do you support the prohibition of wine or not?’: “If by wine you mean the terrible drink which ruined thousands of families, making husbands a wreck who evoke holocaust that effectively manipulate itwere beating their wives and neglecting their children, instrumentalizing it then I am fully for today’s political usesthe prohibition. The very need to evoke holocaust in defense of But if you mean by wine the Israeli acts secretly implies that Israel noble drink with a wonderful taste which makes every meal such a pleasure, then I am against it!”<ref>There is committing a deeper problem here, which concerns modern State democracy as such horrible crimes : is it not that only the absolute trump-card democratic abstraction (“all people independent of sex, belief, wealth, religion…”) is always sustained by a remainder of the contingent Real in the guise of holocaust can redeem them.a national Thing (“the /French, American…/ people”)? And does not this remainder return in Badiou’s suppressed French nationalism?<br><br/ref>
Udi Aloni’s So why should we, as Badiou proposes, <i>Forgivenessabstract</i> (2005) is a fiction movie based on one of those crazy historical coincidences: in order to arouse panic among from the Palestinians and make them flee during the 1949 war, holocaust when we judge the Israeli army killed the population of a small Palestinian village in the suburb of Jerusalem and razed to ground all houses; afterwards, they built on these grounds a psychiatric hospital for the survivors of the holocaust (later for the victims of the terrorist kidnappings). The hypothesis of politics towards Palestinians? Not because one can compare the film is that the patients are haunted by the ghosts of those who are buried beneath the ground of the hospitaltwo, in an example of what Gilles Deleuze referred to as the atemporal superimposition of historical moments in the crystal-image. The irony is shattering: those most sensitive to the ghosts of the killed Palestinians are the very survivors of but precisely because the holocaust (the film plays with the fact that the living dead in the camps were called Muslims, <i>Musulmannenwas</i>)an incomparably stronger crime. Aloni neither elevates the It is those who evoke holocaust into the Absolute Crime which somehow legitimizes Israeli activity in the occupied zonesthat effectively manipulate it, allowing the Israelis instrumentalizing it for today’s political uses. The very need to dismiss all criticism evoke holocaust in defense of the Israeli politics as acts secretly motivated by implies that Israel is committing such horrible crimes that only the absolute trump-card of holocaust-denial; nor does he resort to the ridiculously false (and effectively latently anti-Semitic) equation “what Nazis were doing to the Jews, the Jews are now doing to Palestinianscan redeem them.”<br><br>
Udi Aloni’s <bi>The ”anonymous religion of atheism”Forgiveness</b><br><bri> It (2005) is, however, all too easy a fiction movie based on one of those crazy historical coincidences: in order to score points in this debate with witty reversalsarouse panic among the Palestinians and make them flee during the 1949 war, like: what if the true caricatures Israeli army killed the population of Islam are a small Palestinian village in the violent anti-Danish demonstrations themselvessuburb of Jerusalem and razed to ground all houses; afterwards, offering they built on these grounds a ridiculous image which exactly fits psychiatric hospital for the survivors of the holocaust (later for the victims of the Western cliché? terrorist kidnappings). The ultimate irony, hypothesis of course, the film is that the ire patients are haunted by the ghosts of Muslim crowds turned against Europe which staunch anti-islamists like Oriana Falacci perceive as way too tolerant towards Islam, already capitulating to its pressure; andthose who are buried beneath the ground of the hospital, in Europe, against Denmark, part an example of what Gilles Deleuze referred to as the Scandinavian model atemporal superimposition of tolerancehistorical moments in the crystal-image. It The irony is as if shattering: those most sensitive to the ghosts of the killed Palestinians are the very survivors of the holocaust (the film plays with the fact that the living dead in the more you tolerate Islamcamps were called Muslims, the stronger its pressure will be on you…<bri>Musulmannen<br/i>). Aloni neither elevates the holocaust into the Absolute Crime which somehow legitimizes Israeli activity in the occupied zones, allowing the Israelis to dismiss all criticism of the Israeli politics as secretly motivated by the holocaust-denial; nor does he resort to the ridiculously false (and effectively latently anti-Semitic) equation “what Nazis were doing to the Jews, the Jews are now doing to Palestinians.”
In the guise of the raging Muslim crowds, we stumble upon the limit of multicultural liberal tolerance, of its propensity to self-blaming and effort to “understand” the other: the Other is here a REAL other, real in his hatred. We thus encounter the paradox of tolerance at its purest: how far should tolerance for intolerance go? All the Politically Correct beautiful liberal formulas on how caricatures were insulting and insensitive, but violent reactions to them are also unacceptable, about how freedom also brings responsibility and should not be abused, etc., show their limitation here. What is this famous “freedom with responsibility” if not a new version of the good old paradox of forced choice: you are given a freedom of choice – on condition that you make the right choice; you are given freedom – on condition that you will not really use it.<br><br>
How, then, are we to break this vicious circle of the endless oscillation between pro and contra brings the tolerant reason to a debilitating standstill? There is only one way to do it: to reject the very terms in which the problem is posed. As Gilles Deleuze repeatedly emphasized, there are not only right and wrong solutions to problems, there are also right and wrong problems. To perceive the problem as the one of the right measure between the respect for the other versus our own freedom of expression is in itself a mystification. No wonder that, upon a closer analysis, the two opposite poles reveal their secret solidarity. <b>The language of respect is the language of liberal tolerance: respect only has meaning as respect for those with whom I do NOT agree; so, when the offended Muslims demand respect for their otherness, they accept the frame of the liberal-tolerant discourse. On the other hand, blasphemy is not only an attitude of hatred, of trying to hit the other where it matters most, at the core ”anonymous religion of the real of his belief. It is <i>stricto sensuatheism”</i> a religious problem: it only works within the convolutions of a religious space.<br><brb>
What lurks at the horizon It is, however, all too easy to score points in this debate with witty reversals, like: what if we avoid this path is the nightmarish prospect true caricatures of Islam are the violent anti-Danish demonstrations themselves, offering a society regulated by a perverse pact between religious fundamentalists and ridiculous image which exactly fits the Politically Correct preachers Western cliché? The ultimate irony, of tolerance and respect for course, is that the other’s beliefs: a society immobilized by the concern for not hurting the otherire of Muslim crowds turned against Europe which staunch anti-islamists like Oriana Falacci perceive as way too tolerant towards Islam, no matter how cruel already capitulating to its pressure; and superstitious this other is, and in which individuals are engaged in regular rituals Europe, against Denmark, part of the Scandinavian model of “witnessing” their victimizationtolerance.<br><br>It is as if the more you tolerate Islam, the stronger its pressure will be on you…
In the last years, a public debate was guise of the raging in Slovenia: should the Muslims (mostly immigrant workers from ex-Yugoslav republics) be allowed to build a mosque in LjubljanaMuslim crowds, we stumble upon the capital limit of Slovenia? While conservatives opposed the mosque for cultural, politicalmulticultural liberal tolerance, of its propensity to self-blaming and even architectural reasons, effort to “understand” the weekly journal <i>Mladina</i> was most consistent and exposed in its support for other: the mosqueOther is here a REAL other, real in line with his hatred. We thus encounter the paradox of tolerance at its general support purest: how far should tolerance for intolerance go? All the civil Politically Correct beautiful liberal formulas on how caricatures were insulting and social the rights of the people from other ex-Yugoslav republics. Not surprisinglyinsensitive, in line with its libertarian attitudebut violent reactions to them are also unacceptable, <i>Mladina</i> was about how freedom also the only one to reprint the Muhammad caricaturesbrings responsibility and should not be abused, etc. And, conversely, those who displayed show their limitation here. What is this famous “freedom with responsibility” if not a new version of the greatest “understanding” for the violent Muslim protest were the very ones who regularly expressed their concern for good old paradox of forced choice: you are given a freedom of choice – on condition that you make the Christian Europeright choice; you are given freedom – on condition that you will not really use it.<br><br>
The parallel the conservatives evoked was with a scandal in Slovenia a couple of years agoHow, then, when a rock group Strelnikoff printed a poster announcing their concert: a classical painting are we to break this vicious circle of Mary the endless oscillation between pro and contra brings the baby Christ, but with tolerant reason to a twist – Mary holds debilitating standstill? There is only one way to do it: to reject the very terms in her lap a rat instead of which the baby Christproblem is posed. The point of this parallel wasAs Gilles Deleuze repeatedly emphasized, of coursethere are not only right and wrong solutions to problems, to reprimand there are also right and wrong problems. To perceive the caricatures mocking Christianity; at problem as the same time, one of the difference in reactions of right measure between the concerned religious community was noted as an argument respect for the difference other versus our own freedom of civilizationsexpression is in itself a mystification. No wonder that, upon a closer analysis, i.ethe two opposite poles reveal their secret solidarity.The language of respect is the language of liberal tolerance: respect only has meaning as respect for those with whom I do NOT agree; so, when the offended Muslims demand respect for their otherness, they accept the superiority frame of Europe: wethe liberal-tolerant discourse. On the other hand, Christiansblasphemy is not only an attitude of hatred, limited ourselves of trying to verbal protestshit the other where it matters most, while at the core of the Muslims now resort to killings and burnings…real of his belief. It is <bri>stricto sensu<br/i>a religious problem: it only works within the convolutions of a religious space.
These weird alliance confronts What lurks at the European Muslim community with horizon if we avoid this path is the nightmarish prospect of a difficult choice which best encapsulates their paradoxical positionsociety regulated by a perverse pact between religious fundamentalists and the Politically Correct preachers of tolerance and respect for the other’s beliefs: a society immobilized by the only political force which does concern for not reduce them to second-class citizens, but allows them hurting the space to deploy their religious identityother, are the “godless” atheist liberals, while those who are closest to their religious social practice, their Christian mirror-imageno matter how cruel and superstitious this other is, and in which individuals are their greatest political enemies. The paradox is that (not those who first published the caricatures, but) those who, out engaged in regular rituals of solidarity with the freedom of expression, reprinted the Muhammad caricatures, are “witnessing” their only true alliesvictimization.<br><br>
In his analysis the last years, a public debate was raging in Slovenia: should the Muslims (mostly immigrant workers from ex-Yugoslav republics) be allowed to build a mosque in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia? While conservatives opposed the mosque for cultural, political , and even architectural reasons, the weekly journal <i>imbroglioMladina</i> of the French revolution of 1848, Karl Marx pointed out the paradoxical status of the ruling Party of the Order. It was the coalition of the two royalist wings (Bourbons most consistent and Orleanists). However, since exposed in its support for the two parties weremosque, by definition, not able to find a common denominator at the level of royalism (one cannot be a royalist in line with its general, since one should support a certain determinate royal house), the only way for the two to unite was under civil and social the banner rights of the »anonymous kingdom of the Republic«: the only way to be a royalist in general is to be a republicanpeople from other ex-Yugoslav republics. And does the same not hold for religion? HereNot surprisingly, also, one cannot be religious in generalline with its libertarian attitude, one can only believe in some God(s) to the detriment of others. The failure of all the efforts to unite religions proves that <i>Mladina</i> was also the only way one to be religious in general is under reprint the banner of the »anonymous religion of atheismMuhammad caricatures.« As the fate of the Muslim communities in the West demonstratesAnd, conversely, it is only under this banner that they can thrive. There is thus a kind of poetic justice in those who displayed the fact that greatest “understanding” for the all-violent Muslim outcry against godless Denmark was immediately followed by protest were the hightened violence between Sunnis and Shiites, very ones who regularly expressed their concern for the two Muslim factions, in IraqChristian Europe. Is not the lesson of all totalitarianisms that the fight against the external enemy sooner or later always turns into an inner split and the fight against the inner enemy?<br><br>
<b>When God existsThe parallel the conservatives evoked was with a scandal in Slovenia a couple of years ago, everything is permitted!</b><br><br>when a rock group Strelnikoff printed a poster announcing their concert: a classical painting of Mary and the baby Christ, but with a twist – Mary holds in her lap a rat instead of the baby Christ. The point of this parallel was, of course, to reprimand also the caricatures mocking Christianity; at the same time, the difference in reactions of the concerned religious community was noted as an argument for the difference of civilizations, i.e., for the superiority of Europe: we, Christians, limited ourselves to verbal protests, while the Muslims now resort to killings and burnings…
After all These weird alliance confronts the fuss about European Muslim community with a difficult choice which best encapsulates their paradoxical position: the “postonly political force which does not reduce them to second-secular” return of class citizens, but allows them the space to deploy their religiousidentity, about are the limits of disenchantment and the need “godless” atheist liberals, while those who are closest to rediscover the Sacredtheir religious social practice, perhapstheir Christian mirror-image, what we truly need is a dose of the good old atheismare their greatest political enemies. The outrage caused by paradox is that (not those who first published the caricatures , but) those who, out of Muhammad in Muslim communities provides yet another proof that religious beliefs are a force to be reckoned solidarity with. Deplorable as the violence freedom of expression, reprinted the Muslim crowds may beMuhammad caricatures, the reckless and cynical Western libertarians must also learn are their lesson from it: the limits of secular disenchantment. Or so we are toldonly true allies.<br><br>
Is namely this really In his analysis of the lesson to be learned from political <i>imbroglio</i> of the mobs killingFrench revolution of 1848, looting Karl Marx pointed out the paradoxical status of the ruling Party of the Order. It was the coalition of the two royalist wings (Bourbons and burning on behalf of religion? For a long timeOrleanists). However, we since the two parties were told that, without religionby definition, we are reduced not able to egotistic animals fighting for their lotfind a common denominator at the level of royalism (one cannot be a royalist in general, since one should support a certain determinate royal house), with the only morality that way for the two to unite was under the banner of the pact »anonymous kingdom of the wolves, and that Republic«: the only way to be a royalist in general is to be a republican. And does the same not hold for religion ? Here, also, one cannot be religious in general, one can elevate us only believe in some God(s) to a higher spiritual levelthe detriment of others. Today, when The failure of all the efforts to unite religions proves that the only way to be religious in general is under the banner of the »anonymous religion is emerging as of atheism.« As the main source fate of murderous violence around the worldMuslim communities in the West demonstrates, one it is only under this banner that they can thrive. There is getting tired thus a kind of poetic justice in the assurances fact that the Christian or all-Muslim or Hindu fundamentalists are only abusing outcry against godless Denmark was immediately followed by the hightened violence between Sunnis and perverting a noble spiritual message of their creedShiites, the two Muslim factions, in Iraq. What about restoring Is not the dignity lesson of atheism, perhaps our only chance for peaceall totalitarianisms that the fight against the external enemy sooner or later always turns into an inner split and the fight against the inner enemy?<br><br>
More than a century ago, in his <i>Karamazov Brothers</i>, Dostoyevsky warned against the dangers of the godless moral nihilism: <ib>“If When God doesn’t exist</i>exists, <i>then everything is permitted!</i>.” The French “new philosopher” Andre Glucksmann even applied Dostoyevsky’s critique of godless nihilism to 9/11, as the title of his book – <i>Dostoyevsky in Manhattan</i> – suggests. He couldn’t have been more wrong: the lesson of today’s terrorism is that if there IS God, then everything, up to blowing up hundreds of innocent bystanders, is permitted – to those who claim to act directly on behalf of God, as the instruments of His will, since, clearly, a direct link to God justifies our violation of any “merely human” constraints and considerations. The “godless” Stalinist Communists are the ultimate proof of it: everything was permitted to them since they perceived themselves as direct instruments of their divinity, the Historical Necessity of Progress towards Communism.<br><brb>
In After all the course fuss about the “post-secular” return of the Crusade of King St.Louisreligious, Yves le Breton reported how he once encountered an old woman who wandered down about the street with a dish full limits of fire in her right hand disenchantment and the need to rediscover the Sacred, perhaps, what we truly need is a bowl full dose of water the good old atheism. The outrage caused by the caricatures of Muhammad in her left hand. Asked why she is doing it, she answered Muslim communities provides yet another proof that religious beliefs are a force to be reckoned with . Deplorable as the fire she would burn up Paradise until nothing remained violence of itthe Muslim crowds may be, the reckless and with the water she would put out the fires of Hell until nothing remained of themcynical Western libertarians must also learn their lesson from it: “Because I want no one to do good in order to receive the reward of Paradise, or from fear limits of Hell; but solely out of love for Godsecular disenchantment.” It is as if today this properly Christian ethical stance survives mostly in atheismOr so we are told.<br><br>
Fundamentalists do (what they perceive as) good deeds in order Is namely this really the lesson to fulfill God’s will be learned from the mobs killing, looting and to deserve salvation; atheists do them simply because it is the right thing to do. Is this also not our most elementary experience burning on behalf of moralityreligion? When I do For a good deedlong time, I do not do it with a view on gaining God’s favorwe were told that, without religion, I do it because I cannot do otherwise - if I were not we are reduced to do itegotistic animals fighting for their lot, I would not be able to look at myself in with the only morality that of the pact of the mirror. A moral deed is by definition its own reward. David Humewolves, and that only religion can elevate us to a believerhigher spiritual level. Today, made this point in a very poignant waywhen religion is emerging as the main source of murderous violence around the world, when he wrote one is getting tired of the assurances that the Christian or Muslim or Hindu fundamentalists are only way to show abusing and perverting a true respect noble spiritual message of their creed. What about restoring the dignity of atheism, perhaps our only chance for God is to act morally while ignoring God’s existence.<br><br>peace?
The history More than a century ago, in his <i>Karamazov Brothers</i>, Dostoyevsky warned against the dangers of European atheismthe godless moral nihilism: <i>“If God doesn’t exist</i>, from its Greek and Roman origins (Lucretius’ <i>De rerum naturathen everything is permitted</i>) .” The French “new philosopher” Andre Glucksmann even applied Dostoyevsky’s critique of godless nihilism to modern classics like Spinoza9/11, offers a lesson as the title of his book – <i>Dostoyevsky in dignity and courageManhattan</i> – suggests. Much He couldn’t have been more than with occasional outbursts wrong: the lesson of today’s terrorism is that if there IS God, then everything, up to blowing up hundreds of hedonisminnocent bystanders, it is marked by the awareness permitted – to those who claim to act directly on behalf of God, as the bitter outcome instruments of every human lifeHis will, since there is no higher authority watching over our fates and guaranteeing the happy outcome; at the same time, they all strive clearly, a direct link to formulate the message God justifies our violation of joy which comes not from escaping reality, but from accepting it any “merely human” constraints and creatively finding one´s place in itconsiderations. What makes this materialist tradition unique is the way it combines the humble awareness that we The “godless” Stalinist Communists are not masters of the universe, but just parts ultimate proof of a much larger whole, exposed it: everything was permitted to contingent twists them since they perceived themselves as direct instruments of fatetheir divinity, with the readiness to accept the heavy burden Historical Necessity of the full responsibility for what we make out of our lives – is today, when the threats of unpredictable catastrophies loom from all sides, such an attitude not needed more than ever?<br><br>Progress towards Communism.
A year or so ago, a debate was raging in Europe: should, in In the preambles to course of the draft Crusade of the European constitutionKing St.Louis, Christianity be mentioned as Yves le Breton reported how he once encountered an old woman who wandered down the key component street with a dish full of European legacy? As usual, fire in her right hand and a compromise was worked outbowl full of water in her left hand. Asked why she is doing it, where Christianity is listed along she answered that with Judaism, Islamthe fire she would burn up Paradise until nothing remained of it, and with the water she would put out the fires of Hell until nothing remained of them: “Because I want no one to do good in order to receive the legacy reward of Antiquity. But where was modern Europe’s most precious legacyParadise, that or from fear of Hell; but solely out of atheism? What makes modern Europe unique love for God.” It is that it is the first and only civilization as if today this properly Christian ethical stance survives mostly in which atheism is a fully legitimate option, not an obstacle to any public post? THIS is the European legacy worth fighting for.<br><br>
While a true atheist has no need whatsoever Fundamentalists do (what they perceive as) good deeds in order to boost his own stance by way of shocking the believer with blasphemous statements, he also refuses fulfill God’s will and to reduce deserve salvation; atheists do them simply because it is the problem of the Muhammad caricatures right thing to the one of respect for other’s beliefsdo. Respect for other’s beliefs as the highest value can only mean one Is this also not our most elementary experience of the two things: either we treat the other in morality? When I do a good deed, I do not do it with a patronizing way and avoid hurting him in order view on gaining God’s favor, I do it because I cannot do otherwise - if I were not to ruin his illusions; ordo it, we adopt I would not be able to look at myself in the relativist stance of multiple “regimes of truth,” disqualifying as violent imposition any clear insistence on truthmirror. A moral deed is by definition its own reward. WhatDavid Hume, howevera believer, about submitting Islam – together with all other religions – to made this point in a respectfulvery poignant way, but for when he wrote that reason no less ruthless, critical analysis? This, and the only this, is the way to show a true respect for Muslims: God is to treat them as serious adults responsible for their beliefsact morally while ignoring God’s existence.<br><br>
When I visited the University The history of Champaign in IllinoisEuropean atheism, I was taken from its Greek and Roman origins (Lucretius’ <i>De rerum natura</i>) to modern classics like Spinoza, offers a restaurant which offered on the menu “Tuscany fries”; asking friends what this islesson in dignity and courage. Much more than with occasional outbursts of hedonism, they explained it: is marked by the owner wanted to appear patriotic apropos awareness of the French opposition to the US attack on Iraqbitter outcome of every human life, so he followed since there is no higher authority watching over our fates and guaranteeing the US Congress and renamed French fries freedom frieshappy outcome; howeverat the same time, they all strive to formulate the progressive members message of joy which comes not from escaping reality, but from accepting it and creatively finding one´s place in it. What makes this materialist tradition unique is the faculty (way it combines the majority humble awareness that we are not masters of his customers) threatened to boycott his place if “freedom fries” remain on the menu. The owner didn’t want to lose his customersuniverse, but also did not want to appear un-patriotic, so he invented just parts of a new namemuch larger whole, “Tuscany fries” (which also sounded Europeanexposed to contingent twists of fate, plus echoing with the vague of idyllic films on Tuscany…). In a move similar readiness to accept the one heavy burden of the US congressfull responsibility for what we make out of our lives – is today, Iranian authorities recently ordered the bakeries to change when the name threats of Danish pastry into “roses of Muhammad.”<br><br>unpredictable catastrophies loom from all sides, such an attitude not needed more than ever?
It would be nice to leave in a world in which the US Congress would change the name of French fries into Muhammad’s fries, and the Iranian authorities the name of Danish pastry into Freedom pastry. But the prospect of tolerance is the one in which our stores and restaurant menus will be more and more full of different versions of Tuscany fries.<br><br> The irony not to be missed is that 99.99% of the thousands who feel offended and demonstrate had never even SEEN the caricatures. This fact confronts us with another, less attractiveA year or so ago, aspect of globalization: the “global informational village” is the condition of the fact that something that took place in an obscure daily in Denmark caused such a violent stir debate was raging in the far-away Muslim countries – it was as if Denmark and Syria (and Pakistan and Egypt and Iraq and Lebanon and Indonesia and…) are <i>neighboring</i> countries. This is what those who see globalization as the chance for the entire earth as a unified space of communication, bringing together all humanity, fail to noticeEurope: since a Neighbor is (as Freud suspected long ago) primarily a Thingshould, a traumatic intruder, someone whose different way of life (or, rather, way of <i>jouissance</i> materialized in its social practices and rituals) disturb us, throw off the rails the balance of our way of life, when the Neighbor comes too close, this can also give rise preambles to aggressive reaction aimed at getting rid of this disturbing intruder – or, as Peter Sloterdijk put it: “More communication means at first above all more conflict.” <a title="" name="_ftnref6" href="#_ftn6">[6]</a> This is why he was right to claim that the attitude draft of “understanding-each-other” has to be supplemented by the attitude of “getting-out-of-each-other’s-way,” by maintaining an appropriate distance, by a new “code of discretion.” European civilization finds it easier to tolerate different ways of life precise on account of what its critics usually denounce as its weakness and failure, namely the “alienation” of social life.” Alienation means (also) that distance is included into the very social texture: even if I live side by side with others, the normal state is to ignore them. I am allowed not to get too close to others; I move in a social space where I interact with others obeying certain external “mechanical” rules, without sharing their “inner world” – andconstitution, perhaps, the lesson to Christianity be learned is that, sometimes, a dose of alienation is indispensable for the peaceful coexistence of ways of life. Sometimes, alienation is not a problem but a solution.<br><br> What we should always bear in mind is the fact that the protests (and the very real violence accompanying them) were triggered by means of representation, by words and images (caricatures, which a large majority of those protesting did not see, but just read or heard about). The Muslim crowds did not react to caricatures mentioned as such; they reacted to the complex figure/image key component of the “West” that was perceived as the attitude behind the caricatures. Those who proposed the term “Occidentalism” as the counterpart to Edward Said’s “Orientalism” were up to a point right: what we get in Muslim countries is a certain ideological image of the West which distorts Western reality no less (although in a different way) than the Orientalist image of the Orient. What exploded in violence was a complex cobweb of symbols, images and attitudes (Western imperialism, godless materialism and hedonism, the suffering of Palestinians, etc.etc.) that became attached to Danish caricaturesEuropean legacy? As usual, which is why the hatred expanded from caricatures to Denmark as a country, to Scandinavian countries, to Europe, to the West – it compromise was as if all these humiliations and frustrations got condensed in the caricatures. Andworked out, again, one should bear in mind that this condensation where Christianity is a fact of languagelisted along with Judaism, of constructing and imposing a certain symbolic field.<br><br> This simple and all too obvious fact should compel us to render problematic the idea (propagated lately by Habermas, but also not strange to a certain Lacan) of language, symbolic order, as the medium of reconciliation/mediation, of peaceful co-existence, as opposed to the violence of immediate raw confrontation: in language, instead of exerting direct violence on each other, we debate, we exchange wordsIslam, and such an exchange, even when it is aggressive, presupposes a minimum of recognition of the other. The idea is thus that, insofar as language gets infected by violence, this occurs under the influence of contingent empirical “pathological” circumstances which distort the inherent logic legacy of symbolic communicationAntiquity. What if, however, humans exceed animals in their capacity to violence precisely because they <i>speak</i>? <a title="" name="_ftnref7" href="#_ftn7">[7]</a> As already Hegel But where was well aware, there is something violent in the very symbolization of a thing, which equals its mortification; this violence operates at multiple levels. Language simplifies the designated thing, reducing it to a “unary feature”; it dismembers the thing, destroying its organic unity, treating its parts and properties as autonomous; it inserts the thing into a field of meaning which is ultimately external to it.<br><br> Lacan condensed this aspect of language in his notion of the Master-Signifier which “quilts” and thus holds together a symbolic field. That is to say, for Lacan (at least for his theory of four discourses elaborated in late 1960s), human communication in its modern Europe’s most basic, constitutive, dimension does not involve a space of egalitarian intersubjectivity, it is not “balanced,” it does not put the participants in symmetric mutually responsible positions where they all have to follow the same rules and justify their claims with reasons. On the contraryprecious legacy, what Lacan indicates with his notion of the discourse of the Master as the first, inaugural, constitutive, form of discourse, is that every concrete, “really existing,” space of discourse atheism? What makes modern Europe unique is ultimately grounded in a violent imposition of a Master-Signifier which is <i>stricto sensu</i> “irrational”: it cannot be further grounded in reasons, it is the point at which one can only say that “the buck stops here,” a point at which, in order to stop the endless regress, somebody has to say <i>“It is so because I say it is so!”</i>.<br><br> Perhaps, the fact that <i>reason (ratio)</i> and <i>race</i> have the same root tells us something: language, not primitive egotistic interests, is the first and greatest divider, it is because of language that we and our neighbors (can) “live only civilization in different worlds” even when we live on the same street. What this means is that verbal violence which atheism is not a secondary distortionfully legitimate option, but the ultimate resort of every specifically human violence. Let us take anti-Semitic pogroms (or, more generally, racist violence). They do not react to (i.e., what they find intolerable and rage-provoking is not) the immediate reality of Jews, but (to) the image/figure of the “Jew” constructed ands circulating in their tradition. The catch, of course, is that one cannot simply distinguish between real Jews and their anti-Semitic image: this image overdetermines the way I experience real Jews themselves (and, furthermore, it affects the way Jews experience themselves). What makes a real Jew that an anti-Semite encounters on the street “intolerable,” what the anti-Semite tries obstacle to destroy when he attacks the Jew, the true target of his fury, any public post? THIS is this fantasmatic dimension. And the same goes European legacy worth fighting for every political protest: when workers protest their exploitation, they do not protest a simple reality, but a certain meaningful experience of their real predicament. Reality in itself, in its stupid facticity, is never intolerable: it is language, its symbolization, which makes it such. So precisely when we are dealing with the scene of a furious crowd, attacking and burning buildings and cars, lynching people, etc., we should never forget the placards they are carrying, the words sustaining and justifying their acts. <a title="" name="_ftnref8" href="#_ftn8">[8]</a><br><br> <b>Notes:</b><br><br>  <a title="" name="_ftn1" href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Peter Sloterdijk, “Warten auf den Islam,” <i>Focus</i> 10/2006, p. 84.<br><br>  <a title="" name="_ftn2" href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> <i>Rousseau, juge de Jean-Jacques</i>, first dialogue.<br><br>  <a title="" name="_ftn3" href="#_ftnref3">[3]</a> See Jean-Pierre Dupuy, <i>Petite metaphysique des tsunamis</i>, Paris: Editions du Seuil 2005, p. 68.<br><br> <a title="" name="_ftn4" href="#_ftnref4">[4]</a> Alain Badiou, <i>Circonstances, 3. Portees du mot “juif,”</i> Paris: Lignes 2005, p. 89-90.<br><br>
<While a title="" name="_ftn5" href="#_ftnref5">[5]</a> There is a deeper true atheist has no need whatsoever to boost his own stance by way of shocking the believer with blasphemous statements, he also refuses to reduce the problem here, which concerns modern State democracy of the Muhammad caricatures to the one of respect for other’s beliefs. Respect for other’s beliefs as suchthe highest value can only mean one of the two things: is it either we treat the other in a patronizing way and avoid hurting him in order not that to ruin his illusions; or, we adopt the democratic abstraction (“all people independent relativist stance of sexmultiple “regimes of truth, belief” disqualifying as violent imposition any clear insistence on truth. What, wealthhowever, religion…”) is always sustained by about submitting Islam – together with all other religions – to a remainder of the contingent Real in the guise of a national Thing (“the /Frenchrespectful, but for that reason no less ruthless, American…/ people”)critical analysis? And does not This, and only this remainder return in Badiou’s suppressed French nationalism?<br><br>, is the way to show a true respect for Muslims: to treat them as serious adults responsible for their beliefs.
<When I visited the University of Champaign in Illinois, I was taken to a restaurant which offered on the menu “Tuscany fries”; asking friends what this is, they explained it: the owner wanted to appear patriotic apropos the French opposition to the US attack on Iraq, so he followed the US Congress and renamed French fries freedom fries; however, the progressive members of the faculty (the majority of his customers) threatened to boycott his place if “freedom fries” remain on the menu. The owner didn’t want to lose his customers, but also did not want to appear un-patriotic, so he invented a title="" new name="_ftn6" href="#_ftnref6">[6]</a> Peter Sloterdijk, “Warten auf den Islam“Tuscany fries” (which also sounded European,” <i>Focus</i> 10/2006plus echoing the vague of idyllic films on Tuscany…). In a move similar to the one of the US congress, pIranian authorities recently ordered the bakeries to change the name of Danish pastry into “roses of Muhammad. 84.<br><br>
<It would be nice to leave in a title="" world in which the US Congress would change the name="_ftn7" href="#_ftnref7">[7]</a> See Clement Rossetof French fries into Muhammad’s fries, <i>Le reel. Traite de l’idiotie</i>, Paris: Les Editions de Minuit 2004, pand the Iranian authorities the name of Danish pastry into Freedom pastry.112-114But the prospect of tolerance is the one in which our stores and restaurant menus will be more and more full of different versions of Tuscany fries.<br><br>
The irony not to be missed is that 99.99% of the thousands who feel offended and demonstrate had never even SEEN the caricatures. This fact confronts us with another, less attractive, aspect of globalization: the “global informational village” is the condition of the fact that something that took place in an obscure daily in Denmark caused such a violent stir in the far-away Muslim countries – it was as if Denmark and Syria (and Pakistan and Egypt and Iraq and Lebanon and Indonesia and…) are <a title="" name="_ftn8" href="#_ftnref8"i>[8]neighboring</i> countries. This is what those who see globalization as the chance for the entire earth as a> The further crucial thing unified space of communication, bringing together all humanity, fail to addnotice: since a Neighbor is (as Freud suspected long ago) primarily a Thing, a traumatic intruder, someone whose different way of courselife (or, is that we do not have multiple culturesrather, each way of them dwelling <i>jouissance</i> materialized in its own closed circlesocial practices and rituals) disturb us, throw off the rails the balance of our way of life, when the Neighbor comes too close, this can also give rise to aggressive reaction aimed at getting rid of this disturbing intruder – or, as Peter Sloterdijk put it: each culture is traversed by an inherent “impossibility“More communication means at first above all more conflict.”<ref>Peter Sloterdijk, “Warten auf den Islam,” clashing primarily with ITSELF. Every racist and “fundamentalist” violence always and by definition has the character of a violent <i>passage a l’acteFocus</i>10/2006, p. 84.</ref> This is why he was right to claim that the attitude of “understanding-each-other” has to be supplemented by the attitude of “getting-out-of-each-other’s-way,” by maintaining an appropriate distance, by a new “code of escaping discretion.” European civilization finds it easier to tolerate different ways of life precise on account of what its critics usually denounce as its weakness and failure, namely the “alienation” of social life.” Alienation means (also) that distance is included into the very social texture: even if I live side by side with others, the normal state is to ignore them. I am allowed not to get too close to others; I move in a violent act in order social space where I interact with others obeying certain external “mechanical” rules, without sharing their “inner world” – and, perhaps, the lesson to mask/displace be learned is that, sometimes, a dose of alienation is indispensable for the peaceful coexistence of ways of life. Sometimes, alienation is not a problem but a symbolic deadlocksolution.</font>
What we should always bear in mind is the fact that the protests (and the very real violence accompanying them) were triggered by means of representation, by words and images (caricatures, which a large majority of those protesting did not see, but just read or heard about). The Muslim crowds did not react to caricatures as such; they reacted to the complex figure/image of the “West” that was perceived as the attitude behind the caricatures. Those who proposed the term “Occidentalism” as the counterpart to Edward Said’s “Orientalism” were up to a point right: what we get in Muslim countries is a certain ideological image of the West which distorts Western reality no less (although in a different way) than the Orientalist image of the Orient. What exploded in violence was a complex cobweb of symbols, images and attitudes (Western imperialism, godless materialism and hedonism, the suffering of Palestinians, etc.etc.) that became attached to Danish caricatures, which is why the hatred expanded from caricatures to Denmark as a country, to Scandinavian countries, to Europe, to the West – it was as if all these humiliations and frustrations got condensed in the caricatures. And, again, one should bear in mind that this condensation is a fact of language, of constructing and imposing a certain symbolic field.
This simple and all too obvious fact should compel us to render problematic the idea (propagated lately by Habermas, but also not strange to a certain Lacan) of language, symbolic order, as the medium of reconciliation/mediation, of peaceful co-existence, as opposed to the violence of immediate raw confrontation: in language, instead of exerting direct violence on each other, we debate, we exchange words, and such an exchange, even when it is aggressive, presupposes a minimum of recognition of the other. The idea is thus that, insofar as language gets infected by violence, this occurs under the influence of contingent empirical “pathological” circumstances which distort the inherent logic of symbolic communication. What if, however, humans exceed animals in their capacity to violence precisely because they <i>speak</i>?<ref>See Clement Rosset, <i>Le reel. Traite de l’idiotie</i>, Paris: Les Editions de Minuit 2004, p.112-114.</ref> As already Hegel was well aware, there is something violent in the very symbolization of a thing, which equals its mortification; this violence operates at multiple levels. Language simplifies the designated thing, reducing it to a “unary feature”; it dismembers the thing, destroying its organic unity, treating its parts and properties as autonomous; it inserts the thing into a field of meaning which is ultimately external to it.
http://wwwLacan condensed this aspect of language in his notion of the Master-Signifier which “quilts” and thus holds together a symbolic field.lacanThat is to say, for Lacan (at least for his theory of four discourses elaborated in late 1960s), human communication in its most basic, constitutive, dimension does not involve a space of egalitarian intersubjectivity, it is not “balanced,” it does not put the participants in symmetric mutually responsible positions where they all have to follow the same rules and justify their claims with reasons.comOn the contrary, what Lacan indicates with his notion of the discourse of the Master as the first, inaugural, constitutive, form of discourse, is that every concrete, “really existing,” space of discourse is ultimately grounded in a violent imposition of a Master-Signifier which is <i>stricto sensu</i> “irrational”: it cannot be further grounded in reasons, it is the point at which one can only say that “the buck stops here,” a point at which, in order to stop the endless regress, somebody has to say <i>“It is so because I say it is so!”</zizantinomiesi>.htm
Perhaps, the fact that <i>reason (ratio)</i> and <i>race</i> have the same root tells us something: language, not primitive egotistic interests, is the first and greatest divider, it is because of language that we and our neighbors (can) “live in different worlds” even when we live on the same street. What this means is that verbal violence is not a secondary distortion, but the ultimate resort of every specifically human violence. Let us take anti-Semitic pogroms (or, more generally, racist violence). They do not react to (i.e., what they find intolerable and rage-provoking is not) the immediate reality of Jews, but (to) the image/figure of the “Jew” constructed ands circulating in their tradition. The catch, of course, is that one cannot simply distinguish between real Jews and their anti-Semitic image: this image overdetermines the way I experience real Jews themselves (and, furthermore, it affects the way Jews experience themselves). What makes a real Jew that an anti-Semite encounters on the street “intolerable,” what the anti-Semite tries to destroy when he attacks the Jew, the true target of his fury, is this fantasmatic dimension. And the same goes for every political protest: when workers protest their exploitation, they do not protest a simple reality, but a certain meaningful experience of their real predicament. Reality in itself, in its stupid facticity, is never intolerable: it is language, its symbolization, which makes it such. So precisely when we are dealing with the scene of a furious crowd, attacking and burning buildings and cars, lynching people, etc., we should never forget the placards they are carrying, the words sustaining and justifying their acts.<ref>The further crucial thing to add, of course, is that we do not have multiple cultures, each of them dwelling in its own closed circle: each culture is traversed by an inherent “impossibility,” clashing primarily with ITSELF. Every racist and “fundamentalist” violence always and by definition has the character of a violent <i>passage a l’acte</i>, of escaping into a violent act in order to mask/displace a symbolic deadlock.</ref>
==References==
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